Политическая корректность как культурно-поведенческая и языковая категория

Содержание, функционирование и языковые средства выражения политической корректности. Причины возникновения и основные этапы развития данного феномена. Исследование случаев проявления категории политической корректности в английском и русском языках.

Рубрика Иностранные языки и языкознание
Вид диссертация
Язык русский
Дата добавления 29.06.2018
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Словари и справочники:

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163. Большой Энциклопедический словарь / под ред. А.М. Прохорова. - М.: Большая Российская Энциклопедия, 2001. - 1459 c.

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165. Комлев Н.Г. Словарь иностранных слов. - М.: Эксмо-пресс, 1999. - 672 c.

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167. Новый Большой англо-русский словарь: в 3-х т. / под ред. Ю.Д. Апресяна и др. - М.: Русский язык, 2000.

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169. Словарь иностранных слов / под ред. В.В. Бурцевой, И.М. Семеновой. - М.: Русский язык - Медиа, 2003. - 820 с.

170. Словарь русского языка: в 4-х т. / под ред. А.П. Евгеньевой. - М.: Русский язык, 1981-1984.

171. Толковый словарь русского языка XX века. Языковые изменения / под ред. Г.Н. Скляревской. - Спб.: Фолио-пресс, 2002. - 700 c.

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181. Macmillan English Dictionary. - Macmillan Publishers Limited, Oxford, 2002. - 1692 p.

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184. The Merriam-Webster Dictionary // www.m-w.com

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Список использованной литературы:

1. Barth J. Lost in the Funhouse // The Treasury of American Short Stories. - Dorset Press, NY, 1981. - pp. 623-642.

2. Crane S. The Bride Comes to Yellow Sky // The Treasury of American Short Stories. - Dorset Press, NY, 1981. - pp. 193-202.

3. Dos Passos J. Three Soldiers. - Houghton Mifflin Company, Boston, 1964. - 433 p.

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7. London J. Best Short Stories. - Doubleday and Company Inc., NY, 1945-311p.

8. London J. Martin Eden. - Foreign Languages Publishing House, Moscow, 1960. - 418 p.

9. London J. The Mutiny of the Elsinore. - Macmillan, NY, 1914. - 532 p.

10. London J. The Valley of the Moon // www.gutenberg.org/dirs/etext98/ vlymn11.txt.

11. O. Henry The Complete Works. - Doubleday and Company Inc., Garden City, NY, 1953. - 1692 p.

12. Stowe H.B. Uncle Tom's Cabin. - Foreign Languages Publishing House, Moscow, 1960. - 654 p.

13. Steinbeck J. Of Mice and Men. - Penguin Books, New York, 1993. - 107 p.

14. Twain M. The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn. - Barnes and Noble Books, New York, 1996. - 279 p.

Список использованных статей:

На английском языке.

Статьи периода 20-70-х гг. XX в.

1. Law In Two Colors // The Christian Science Monitor, September 3, 1955.

2. Americanized Orientals // The New York Times, July 29, 1934.

3. Are Indians Human Beings? // The New York Times, June 5, 1926.

4. Crippled Children Aided // The New York Times, March 25, 1956.

5. Moses Amends Signs to Admit Invalids // The New York Times, July 14, 1945.

6. Policeman Held in Pistol Thefts // The New York Times, July 12, 1958.

7. Negro of U.S. Seen As New Racial Type // The Washington Post, February 14, 1928.

8. Jobs for Handicapped // Washington Post, October 13, 1947.

9. Training Mentally Retarded Children // The Washington Post, December 25, 1949.

10. Black History Month // The Washington Post, February 19, 1977.

Статьи периода с 2000 по 2004 гг.

1. Berkley's new colors // Newsweek, September 18, 2000.

2. Harvard black guide will delete offending pages // The New York Times, February 7, 2003.

3. Bravo's `Queer Eye' Heads Straight to the Stereotypes // The Washington Post, July 15, 2003.

4. Race divides Hispanics, report says // The Washington Post, Monday, July 14, 2003.

5. Living with limits building business // The Washington Post, Thursday, July 24, 2003.

6. The GOP Divide On Gay Marriage // The Washington Post, Sunday, December 7, 2003.

7. Nebraska couple scrooged out of medical benefits // Lincoln Journal Star, February 2, 2003.

8. Black leader rises past fog of Connecticut history // Boston Globe, December 26, 2003.

9. Reveal the racial data on SAT scores // The Christian Science Monitor, December 17, 2003.

10. Bush's gay-marriage tack risks clash with his base // USA Today, December 17, 2003.

На русском языке:

1. В авангарде пойдет Каламанов // Время Новостей, 1 февраля, 2002.

2. Уволен по налоговому кодексу // Время Новостей, 24 января, 2004.

3. В США кастрируют мультики // Газета, 1 июля, 2003.

4. Я не хочу в Филадельфию // Газета, 24 января, 2002.

5. Дмитрий Сенюков: "Инвалидом" можно назвать только преступника // Известия, 2 февраля, 2002.

6. Не спрашивай - и не скажу // Известия, 15 ноября, 2002.

7. Погибшая команда // Известия, 2 февраля, 2003.

8. Вторая Хиросима // Известия, 3 апреля, 2003.

9. Политкорректность на грани абсурда // Известия, 3 июня, 2003.

10. Политкорректность для маленьких человечков // Известия, 14 сентября, 2003.

11. "Чужие" по законам приватизации // Известия, 2 февраля, 2003.

12. По ту сторону свободы // Независимая газета, 12 февраля, 2003.

13. Шовинизм на научной почве // Независимая газета, 22 января, 2003.

14. На Новинском бульваре сожгли Буша // Независимая газета, 10 апреля, 2003.

15. Афроамериканка бросает вызов Бушу // Российская газета, 1 марта, 2003.

16. Как важно быть американцем // Московские новости, № 38, 2001.

17. Русская культура противится политкорректности // Известия, 15 мая, 2003.

18. Афрорусские // Российская газета, 29 мая, 2003.

19. Африканцы в российских джунглях // Независимая газета, 10 февраля, 2003.

20. Новые русские бедные // Российская газета, 11 мая, 2001.

21. За 15 тысяч рублей нижегородский поп обвенчал "голубых" // Комсомольская правда, 2 сентября, 2003.

Приложение 1. Тексты американских и российских печатных СМИ

Текст № 1. Berkeley's New Colors By Kevin Perraino

It's the first week of school at the University of California, Berkeley, and Sproul Plaza, the campus's main thoroughfare, is bustling with the usual lunchtime crowd: protesters clinging garbage-can lids and plinking cowbells; upperclassmen blaring boomboxes; a jazz ensemble luring potential recruits with a Mile Davis standard. It's a portrait of diversity in every way but one: skin color. A disproportionate number of the students walking around Sproul are Asian-American. Amy Tang, a third year cognitive-science major, sits at a booth for the Chinese Student Association. "I came to Berkeley for the diversity," she says, surveying the plaza. "But when I got here and saw all the Asians, it was really weird."

Berkeley's rapidly morphing student body has sparked one of the fiercest debates in higher education. The school's Asian-American population had already been surging for years when, in 1996, California voters approved Proposition 209, a ballot initiative that banned affirmative action at all state institutions. At the time, the campus was torn by protests. And the result seemed to confirm the doomsayer's predictions: enrollment of African-American, Hispanic and Native American students plunged at Berkeley, while the Asian-American population continued to rise. Asian-American students now make up about 45 percent of incoming freshmen, white students 30 percent, Hispanic students 9 percent and African-American only 4 percent. And the drops in underrepresented minorities are even more acute at the grad schools. William Bagley, a university regent who supports affirmative action, insists that the university's most prestigious campuses - like Berkeley - have become "reverse ghettos", with Asians and whites and a lack of color."

What account for the shift? To start, the pool of eligible Asian-American applicants was already huge. Nearby San Francisco boasts the highest percentage of Asian-Americans in the continental United States. And Asian-Americans are many times more likely than other groups to graduate at the top of their high-school classes. At Cal, many Asian-American students attribute their academic success to family pressure and, in some cases, an immigrant mind-set. "There's such a push to succeed," says Marian Liu, a fifth year student at Cal whose father was a Chinese immigrant. Ward Connerly, a UC regent who is one of the most vocal opponents of affirmative action, says that before 209, Asian-American students were discriminated against. "There was this fear that without the use of race, the whole campus would become Asian," he says.

It's a much different picture for Berkeley's African-American, Hispanic and Native American students. Even after they've been admitted, Berkeley has a tough time persuading them to enroll. Brett Byers, a fourth-year business major who runs the school's Black Recruitment and Retention Center, calls prospectives to try to persuade them to come to Cal. "When I call, they think there are no black students here," she says. Byers recently helped reprise a tradition - called "Black Wednesday" - where the campus's dwindling population of black students could relax, network socialize on Sproul. "There was a time when students of color used to hang out all the time on Sproul," says Anya Booker, a friend and adviser of Byer's who graduated from Berkeley in 1989. "The shame is that it's been reduced to a single Wednesday." And students say the lack of underrepresented minorities is apparent in class - especially in grad schools. Serena Lin, a first-year student who was also an undergrad at Berkeley, says she sat in on a drug-policy seminar when she was a prospective student. "They were talking about how U.S. drug policy affects minorities," she says. "And there wasn't a single African-American in the class."

These days Berkeley is trying to adjust to life after 209. The campus's biggest new buzzword is "outreach." The University of California is spending $150 million - more than twice the pre-209 number - in an effort to increase the pool of qualified underrepresented minority students. And Daniel Hernandez, editor of the school newspaper, says that despite all the changes, race relations on campus are relatively healthy. "Students are sort of settling in to the way things are," says Hernandez. But is that necessarily good? Underrepresented minorities have long been the backbone of Berkeley's political mood, energizing the campus. In gaining the new face, Berkeley will have to live with what it has lost (Newsweek, September 18, 2000).

Текст № 2. Reveal the racial data on SAT scores By Mark Franek

PHILADELPHIA - This month, nearly a million high school seniors will put the finishing touches on their college applications. They will write stellar essays, garner recommendations from favorite teachers, and purchase new printer cartridges.

Pity, most of their efforts are purely cosmetic. From the colleges' standpoint, what matters most is something still not even a part of the application: the SAT score.

For many students, the SAT experience is not unlike an arranged marriage, one that forces students into years of counseling and prep before the big day. Each new generation of seniors would prefer a divorce from the grueling test that fails to reflect their entire high school experience, not to mention important traits like honesty and perseverance. Instead, they get coached. It should be no surprise that the College Board, which owns and administers the SAT, would like to see this very profitable relationship continue indefinitely.

The response to an essay on the SAT's alleged racial bias, which appeared in the Harvard Educational Review last spring, is a case in point. The author, Roy Freedle, retired in 1998 from the Educational Testing Service (which develops the test for the Board) after 31 years. He is not a disgruntled ex-employee. Mr. Freedle suggests that the SAT could be revised to include a score that would benefit African-Americans, who seem to do relatively better, on average, on harder questions. This supplemental score might help colleges make more informed choices, particularly when dealing with minority applicants from disadvantaged backgrounds.

The board's response to Freedle was a one-page unsigned article on their website. The article called Mr. Freedle's study flawed, mired in technical problems, and easily explained by students who merely guessed.

The board's disregard for any type of challenge is suspicious. It seems to believe that the test, and the more than 1.4 million teens who take it annually, exists in some kind of vacuum where all cultural differences can be kept constant and all variations in scores explained by chance.

But any high school teacher worth his or her shiny apple will tell you: No test is completely bias-free, and not all tests are equally fair. That's why the trend at every high school in the country is to include more assessments during the course of a year - not fewer - to test and honor multiple intelligences. The real question is not whether the SAT contains culturally biased questions, but whether the bias is systematic, persistent, and statistically significant.

Instead of discrediting its critics, the Board should be willing to organize all of its data into categories of race and socioeconomic background and show how each group scores on the medium, easy, and hard portions of the test. Furthermore, information about the race and gender of their current test-writers should be disclosed.

Next, the board should release the racial breakdown of the exponentially increasing number of test-takers who are granted testing accommodations on the SAT. (As of this year, the Board is no longer reporting scores to colleges with any kind of footnote indicating that the test was taken under nonstandard testing conditions such as time-and-a-half, or double-time for students with learning differences.)

This data will show that whites - particularly higher-income whites - receive testing accommodations on the SAT more than any other group. Why? Because they can afford expensive testing evaluations. It should be no surprise that well-educated parents with means are better able to navigate the board's requirements at their children's high school in order to benefit from testing accommodations.

Full disclosure of this data is not a national security risk. It will, however, raise awareness of what areas in administering the SAT need attention or systematic restructuring.

Finally, the board should stop denying that coaching and expensive courses either don't help or provide only modest gains to a student's score. Give us teachers - and the public - a break. There is a reason the board provides links on its website to order its own practice tests and test-taking tips in book form or on CD-ROM ($395 for the school edition).

The board is currently working on the new SAT, due out in March 2005. It knows - though it doesn't want to admit it publicly - that its Goliath has spawned a multimillion-dollar "beat the test" industry that doesn't help disadvantaged kids, particularly those in the inner city. Those kids could tell the Board a thing or two about survival in the concrete jungle. But they sure won't be tested on it (Christian Science Monitor,17 December, 2003).

Текст № 3. Race Divides Hispanics, Reports Say. Integration and Income Vary With Skin Color, Darryl Fears

White and black Hispanics - as well as Hispanics who say that they are "some other race" - work different jobs, earn different levels of pay and reside in segregated neighborhoods based on the shade of their skin, according to a report released today by the Lewis Mumford Center for Comparative Urban and Regional Research at the State University of New York in Albany. The report, "How Race Counts for Hispanic Americans," follows the recent declaration by Census officials that Hispanics, who can be of any race, have become the nation's largest ethnic minority. Its authors and others who examine the U.S. Hispanic population said it was the first to look at how the group is divided along the color line.

Latinos who described themselves as white on the 2000 Census had the highest incomes and lowest rates of unemployment and poverty, and they tended to live near communities of non-Latino whites, said the report, which analyzed Census figures nationwide. Nearly 50 percent of Latinos who filed a Census report said they were white, according to the center's report.

The 2.7 percent of Latinos who described themselves as black, most of them from the Caribbean, had lower incomes and higher rates of poverty than the other groups - despite having a higher level of education.

Among Latinos who described themselves as "some other race," earnings and levels of poverty and unemployment fell between black and white members of their ethnic group. About 47 percent of Latinos said on Census forms that they are "some other race," according to the report.

"The point of the report," said John R. Logan, the report's lead researcher, "is that if we take seriously the way people talk about their race, and the reality of their lives, we find that there are real distinctions between white and black Latinos and Hispanics who say they are some other race."

White Hispanics, the report said, have more economic power: Their median household income is $39,900, about $5,000 more than the median income of black Hispanic households and about $2,500 more than Hispanics who say they are some other race.

But black Hispanics are better-educated: They average nearly 12 years of education, compared with 11 for white Hispanics and 10 for the "other race" group. Despite their education, black Hispanics have 12 percent unemployment, compared with 8 percent for white Hispanics and about 10 percent for Hispanics who say they are neither race.

Logan said black Hispanics are intermarrying with blacks at a rate much higher than white Нispanics with white non-Hispanics and Hispanics of some other race with any other ethnic or racial groups. Nearly half of children who are defined as black Hispanic have one parent who is black but not Hispanic. By comparison, a much smaller fraction of white Hispanic children - 20 percent - have a parent who is white but not Hispanic.

Hispanic children who are of some other race are the most likely of the three groups to have two parents who share that category. About 10 percent have a parent who is not Hispanic, and only 6 percent have a parent who is black Hispanic or white Hispanic.

In the average metropolitan neighborhood where white Hispanics live, there are hardly any residents who are black Hispanic, the study found. The same is true in neighborhoods populated by Hispanics who say they are neither white nor black.

Lisa Navarette, a spokeswoman for the National Council of La Raza, a Washington-based Latino civil rights organization and think tank, said the report shows "what we've been saying all along: that Latinos who come to the U.S. are affected by how Americans view race."

In their nations of origin, Latinos have far more racial categories than the United States has. Within families, siblings have widely varying racial characteristics, and mestizo or Indian heritage is prevalent in white and black families, further blurring the color line.

About 97 percent of all people who declared on the Census that they are "some other race" were Latino. They range from light-complexioned to dark.

Some Latino activists say it doesn't matter how they see themselves.

"Latinos who come here to the United States have to choose," said Navarette, who is Cuban and white. "There's the Cuban example, where recent white and black arrivals from Cuba who lived next to each other in their home country came to Miami. They had to choose between so-called white areas for those who were lighter, while black people wind up in black neighborhoods like Liberty City."

But Roberto Suro, director of the Pew Hispanic Center, was not willing to draw quick conclusions based on the new report. While it is important, he said, it is only a first step toward understanding how Hispanics mix racially.

"What they've done is interesting work, but there's a ton of questions that you have to ask," Suro said. "They've come up with a very definitive statement: Race counts. But it doesn't count for Hispanics the way it does other Americans. If they did this 100 years ago, you would find that whites of Italian descent and whites of Irish descent lived in clusters. Was it their race or was it their nationality?"

Suro believes that Hispanics might separate themselves by nationality rather than skin color. He said the largest segments of black Latinos - Puerto Ricans and Dominicans - are concentrated in different areas in New York.

The highest concentrations of white Hispanics are Cubans in Miami and Mexicans in San Antonio, the report found. Hispanics who said they are "some other race" are largely found in Texas, New York, California and, to some degree, Washington, D.C.

Yvette Modestin, a Boston emergency services director for a women's shelter who is Panamanian and black, said the reason for the separation is obvious. "It boils down to the old issue of race and color," she said. "White Latinos are able to adapt to the environment, based on whiteness. But black and brown Latinos have more obstacles."(The Washington Post, July 14, 2003).

Текст № 4. Harvard Black Guide Will Delete Offending Pages

CAMBRIGE, Mass., Feb. 6 - The Harvard University Black Students Association has deleted material from its newly published guide to black life at the university after many students complained that the passage was offensive to women and meant as a personal insult.

The executive editor of the guide, Marques J. Redd, wrote the passage, "Top 10 Signs Harvard Has Driven Black Woman Crazy." The page included the lines, "When she thinks that falsely accusing people of rape is funny," and, "When she can't say I love you without a restraining order."

Mr. Redd, who could not be reached for comment, apologized in a number of e-mail messages to student organizations, The Harvard Crimson reported today. He said the comments were not meant to demean women, but stemmed from an experience with an ex-girlfriend who publicly and falsely accused him of rape. "To his credit he has apologized, and I expect him to get over this and continue to thrive as the excellent student he is," said Henry Louis Gates Jr., chairman of the university's Afro-American studies department, said of Mr. Redd.

Dr. Gates currently has Mr. Redd for a reading tutorial and attended a party celebrating the book with him on Saturday night.

Allana Jackson, president of the Association of Black Harvard Women, affiliated with the student association, said the editors were not aware of the page in question. Ms. Jackson said the group regretted that it was in the guide and would cover the page with a label in all published copies and remove the page from future printings. (The New York Times, February 7, 2003)

Текст №5. Bush's gay-marriage tack risks clash with his base By Susan Page

A USA TODAY/CNN/Gallup Poll conducted Monday and Tuesday underscored the perils of Bush's approach. It showed the intensity of feeling among those who oppose same-sex unions.

On Tuesday, Bush said for the first time that he would, "if necessary," support a constitutional amendment that defined marriage as between a man and a woman. But he said he wouldn't prohibit "whatever legal arrangements people want to make" that are "embraced" by states. That was a reference to civil unions and domestic partnerships for same-sex couples, now recognized by Vermont and California.

Bush's distinction between marriage and other "legal arrangements" brought protests from some conservative leaders. "I'm concerned that the president thinks that counterfeit institutions such as same-sex unions are OK, that he doesn't see that they threaten to devalue the real thing," says Tony Perkins, president of the Family Research Council. He relayed his objections to the White House on Wednesday.

But Bush seemed prepared for the question when ABC's Diane Sawyer raised the issue. He spoke deliberately and with precision. Republicans close to his campaign say he has been unenthusiastic about pushing the issue as far as some of his supporters would like. That reticence is shared by Vice President Cheney, who has a lesbian daughter.

"He tiptoed through the tulips," Andy Kohut of the Pew Research Center says of Bush. "The Republican choir is dead-set against all of these things, but individuals in the middle and many swing-voter groups aren't so hard-line."

In the poll, Americans opposed recognizing same-sex marriage by more than 2-to-1. That is a slightly higher level of opposition than earlier this year. Analysts say there has been some backlash to recent court decisions regarding gay men and lesbians. Last month, Massachusetts' top court in effect recognized a right for same-sex couples to marry.

The divide on the issue is wider among those who feel strongly about their position. By more than 3-to-1, strong opponents outweighed strong supporters.

"The president needs to be clear and unequivocal about his position on marriage and any counterfeit institution to motivate that base in the party," Perkins says.

The major Democratic presidential contenders oppose a constitutional amendment on the issue, but they also oppose gay marriage. They support civil unions. Missouri Rep. Richard Gephardt, who also has a daughter who is a lesbian, criticized Bush's support of an amendment as an "alliance with bigotry." (USA TODAY, December 17, 2003)

Текст № 6. Living with Limits Building Business By Susan DeFord

Lori Powell's cerebral palsy makes it difficult for her to walk, talk and use her hands, but she still wants to work.

For a while, she bought decorative figurines on the Internet and sold them to friends and acquaintances, but she did not know how to expand her market. She loves computers, though she is not fast enough to pursue data processing. She occasionally does labeling and packaging piecework, but the work is not stimulating.

"I want to be creative," she typed into a computerized device that subsequently spoke in a mechanical male voice.

Powell, a 1994 graduate of Centennial High School, soon may have her chance.

The 29-year-old Columbia resident is one of a handful of people with developmental disabilities who's learning how to start her own business through Project Income, a pilot program that could become a model for the rest of Maryland. She is developing a portfolio of greeting cards featuring her artwork and crafting a business plan for what she calls her Heart and Friendship Co.

"I want own business," she typed, looking up with a smile and a toss of her hair. "I want try different thing."

Until recently, even the experts would have doubted that people such as Powell could become successful entrepreneurs. But Project Income, a three-year effort underway in Howard and Anne Arundel counties, is designed to expand the economic prospects of the developmentally disabled. Otherwise, many of them face a lifetime of unemployment or underemployment.

The goal is "to really run away from `just any job is okay' to people with disabilities earning a substantial living wage and looking at issues of career," said Brian Cox, executive director of the Maryland Developmental Disabilities Council, a federally funded office that is underwriting Project Income with a $70,000 grant.

Project Income, now completing its first year, aims to help 75 disabled people. Some will receive job training through courses at Anne Arundel Community College; others will get help finding jobs that pay better and are more to their liking.

"We're really trying to focus on what the person wants as opposed to what the programs offer," said Kate Rollason, executive director of the Arc of Anne Arundel County, a nonprofit advocacy and services organization for people with developmental disabilities.

Project Income's most dramatic feature calls for helping Powell and nine other people start their own businesses, a concept that is just emerging throughout the country as a choice for those who are developmentally impaired.

"It's still a small, small number, but at least you're starting to see it happen," said Carol Beatty, executive director of the Arc of Howard County, which is collaborating on Project Income with the Arc of Anne Arundel. In addition, a five-year-old state program known as Reach Independence Through Self Employment (RISE), which promotes self-employment for physically disabled people, has awarded business start-up grants and conducted training for the developmentally disabled in the past two years.

Self-employment, say supporters, may boost what has long been abysmal job statistics for people with developmental disabilities. Working-age adults have an unemployment rate of 70 percent, according to federal data, and they often rely on federal and state assistance for incomes that frequently fall below federal poverty guidelines. About 1.8 percent of Maryland's population, or 95,337 people, have developmental disabilities.

Those who do work, said Cox, "are in jobs they don't choose, they are in jobs where they aren't making money, and they aren't enjoying them."

Nia Janyska, a Linthicum resident who has autism, did not like the commotion of a sheltered workshop, but she is a steady worker and artistically skilled.

"She does have good capabilities," said her mother, Janet Janyska. "She can be productive."

Recently, Janyska assembled gift baskets in her northern Anne Arundel County home, filling each one with an assortment of colorful votive candles and soaps, chocolate bars, packets of tea and small framed samples of her meticulous cross-stitch.

"Put them in neatly, nice and neatly," the 34-year-old said as she worked. "Make sure the decoration shows, so the customer buys them." Janyska is hoping her Uniquely Nia baskets will appeal to businesses looking for client gifts.

A special interest or an enthusiastic attitude can be enough to start building a small business, according to a Montana consultant who has helped hundreds of disabled people craft money-generating ventures for several years. In a recently published book on the subject, Cary Griffin wrote about a middle-aged man who previously was institutionalized and could not talk much. He launched a business selling stuffed animals at a nature center where he volunteered. In another case, a young man with autism started a profitable business growing and selling specialty plants at his family's farm, said Griffin, senior partner of Griffin-Hammis Associates LLC in Florence, Mont.

"I work with people who may not know the difference between a 50-cent piece and a $50 bill, but they understand that money means something to them," said Griffin, who is working with Project Income. "It can be dinner or a movie to them, or they can pick out the home where they want to live."

The tasks of starting a small business - developing a product or service, devising a marketing strategy and budget - all become more complicated when the would-be entrepreneur may like computers but has a hard time reading and writing. In addition, disabled people risk losing housing subsidies or Social Security disability payments if their personal incomes rise too much, Griffin said. Business income is not subject to such restrictions.

State officials said it is crucial for each person to have a support team, which typically involves family members and representatives of the service agencies that provide housing or job skills training.

"It's really such a learning process for all of us," said Nancy Magana, director of employment services for Humanim, a Columbia agency that works with the disabled.

Joel Penenburgh, a Columbia certified public accountant and businessman, is helping his daughter Randi, who has mental retardation, establish a hot dog cart business through Project Income. Despite rained-out days during the spring, the business has grown to where Randi, 25, is making $100 to $200 daily in sales, Penenburgh said.

"Keep it simple but something that the disabled person has an interest in," Penenburgh advised. "There's nothing better than going to work and liking what you're doing."

Penenburgh also believes it is vital that the entrepreneur has a business partner. "You want the business to have support that's ongoing even after the parents are no longer able to provide," he said.

Beatty, with the Howard Arc, wants Project Income eventually to encourage local schools to develop microenterprise or small-business curricula for disabled students.

"I would like to see it be a choice for them," she said. "They could start preparing for that in school."

Powell began to draw as a teenager, and she uses pens and big crayons to quickly sketch stick people, flowers, stars, rainbows and many hearts. At one point, Project Income's consultant suggested she sell teddy bears, but Powell insisted the enterprise focus on her artwork. She and her support team are studying ways to market her cards to businesses.

Making money would be nice, Powell acknowledged, but her real goal, she wrote, is "I would make happy people." (The Washington Post, July 24, 2003)

Текст № 7. Nebraska couple scrooged out of Medicaid benefits By Cindy Lange-Kubick

Charles Dickens. That's who Dale Hayes Sr. thinks about when he thinks about Medicaid cuts, Charles Dickens.

In particular, a line uttered by his famous fictional miser - Ebenezer Scrooge.

Better they should die and decrease the surplus population.

Better they should die.

"I'm ready to go sit down by the Capitol building with a calendar," said the disabled father of the two, "and a sign that says that's how many days I have left."

Without Medicaid, without medication, he figures six months.

Surely this is not what Gov. Mike Johanns had in mind as he he searched for ways to cut $673 million from the state budget.

Desperate people. Desperate for help.

In the governor's words, he simply wanted to take the money-eating monster back to its roots.

"It was designed for the truly needy," the governor said last month. "During these difficult economic times, we need to go back to (providing) service to the neediest, not to middle-class families."

Dale Sr., a registerd Republican, downsized from a software job in 2001, begs his leader's pardon.

He is not Tiny Tim, but at 48, Dale Sr., still needs insurance. The slight, soft-spoken husband and father is swiftly going blind, a complication of diabetes.

He can still see some, but it's foggy, like looking at the world through waxed paper.

He'd like to work. But work for a blind man is hard to find.

The sightless have a 70 percent unemployment rate in the best of times, and if state agencies take a 10 percent hit - as has been proposed - the Commission for the Blind and Visually Impaired might have still harder time finding people jobs.

But, that's another tale. (Cutting services that keep people functioning, creating more demand for public assistance…)

Together, Dale Sr. and his wife, who suffers debilitating pain from nerve damage, receive $1,773 in monthly disability payments.

Dale Sr. has a sporadic income playing guitar with a local band; right now that income is zero.

Still, they have enough money to live comfortably in their small half of a brick duplex near Holdrege Street. Enough to pay their bills on time and stay off the dole.

Middle class. That's how Dale Sr. always liked to think of himself. Even now.

No. They are not among the neediest Nebraskans.

Except for one little problem: medication.

His and hers.

A total of 12 prescriptions between them kept in separate Ziploc baggies. With Medicaid they paid $24 a month for the lot.

Without? A thousand, says Dale Sr. Maybe more, probably more.

Ever tried to live on $773 a month? To pay bills, keep a car running, mail the rent check on time? Eat?

According to the letter he and Deb received a week ago, their income now exceeds Medicaid eligibility standards.

They've filed an appeal.

The've also spoken to their Medicaid caseworker. Phoned the caseworker's supervisor. Their state senator's office. The governor's policy office. The state ombudsman. The newspaper.

They've run into a couple dead ends. But they're willing to keep looking for another way out. They have no other choice.

"I feel I have been condemned to death by the state of Nebraska without just cause," Hayes writes in an open letter to state officials. "I would like to know if there are any other options available to me…."

It's not been a good stretch, these past few years. Dale's ex-wife, the mother of the two colleged-aged sons, was murdered at a U.S. Bank branch in Norfolk on Sept. 26. His mother, the boys' grandma, died a week later.

The youngest son, Dale Jr., D.J., was paralysed in a car accident two years ago.

His dad is hard-working, D.J. says from Brown College in Minnesota on Friday. Someone who does the best he can with what he has.

"If my dad's not supposed to get Medicaid, who is?"

Becky Gould, a staff attorney at the Nebraska Appleseed center for Law in the Public Interest, says people who ended up like Dale and Deb Hayes are "unintended consequences" of LB8.

And she says, options for the couple - and many of the 10,500 adults who have lost their Medicaid benefits are limited.

"We're just looking at a whole bunch of people who are going to be uninsured," said the attorney. "It's not that people won't still be getting sick - it's that they won't have any insurance."

Dale Sr. feels good today. Angry, but good.

He and Deb have a reprieve until the bottles in the Ziploc bags are empty.

After that? Desperate people. Desperate for help.

My phone will ring today and tomorrow. Unintended consequences on the other end of the line.

God bless them, every one. (Lincoln Journal Star, February 2, 2003)

Текст № 8. Политкорректность на грани абсурда Елена Шестернина

В Соединенных Штатах издана книга "Полиция языка". В нее включены 500 слов и выражений, которые никогда не встречаются в американских школьных и университетских учебниках. Список поражает. Казалось бы, что может быть предосудительного в таких словах, как "Бог", "ад", "слепой", "старик", "варвар", "домохозяйка", "сова", "библиофил", "игрок в гольф"? Оказывается, все они были сочтены неполиткорректными".

Автор нашумевшей книги - известный эксперт в области образования, профессор Нью-Йоркского университета Диана Равич. Раньше она работала в Министерстве образования, а до этого - консультантом в администрации Клинтона. Теперь пишет книги. Последняя, которую можно приобрести через Интернет всего за 24 доллара, обещает стать бестселлером.

Казалось, американскую политкорректность, в том числе в области образования, успели "приложить" все кому не лень. Но Равич сумела удивить. Результаты контент-анализа американских учебников, который провела Диана, шокируют. Как выяснилось, авторы, издатели, местные комиссии, занимающиеся контролем учебной литературы, школьные советы подвергают учебники беспощадной цензуре.


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