Notes on some Pre-Greek words in relation to Euskaro-Caucasian (North Caucasian + Basque)
The study of some lexical elements that may indicate the influence of some Euskaro-Caucasian language (or language family) on the Greek language. Description of the list of "pre-Greek" words compiled by Furne and Beekes, later cultural borrowings.
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Notes on some Pre-Greek words in relation to Euskaro-Caucasian (North Caucasian + Basque)
John D. Bengtsonf/Corinna Leschber*
+ Santa Fe Institute, Evolution of Human Languages Project
Institute for Linguistic and Cross-Cultural Studies, Berlin
A “Pre-Greek” substratum underlying the Indo-European Greek language has been suspected for a long time. There is no reason to suppose that there was only one “Pre-Greek” language; the region where Greek was and is spoken may have been multilingual, with languages of diverse origins. In the following study a limited number of etyma are examined that seem to bear witness to a widespread Euskaro-Caucasian language (or language family) associated with the spread of agriculture out of Anatolia. Greek words like акарі `mite', іааогос; `breast, teat', p/quoxaf, `upper lip, mustache', ЗuАov `wood, timber', and pыyq `breath' are basic and not likely to be cultural loans, and could reflect genuine relics of a Euskaro-Caucasian Pre-Greek language. The examples discussed here are probably part of a much larger subset that a thorough study of Furnйe's and Beekes' total list of “Pre-Greek” words might yield.
Keywords: Basque language; North Caucasian languages; Euskaro-Caucasian hypothesis; Pre- Greek language; linguistic substrates.
Джон Бенгтсон, Коринна Лешбер. О возможном эускаро-кавказском (баскско-северокавказском) происхождении некоторых субстратных лексических элементов в греческом языке.
Широко распространено представление о том, что в греческом языке, относящемся к индоевропейской семье, содержится немало «догреческих» субстратных элементов; при этом нет оснований утверждать, что существовал всего один «догреческий» язык, поскольку область распространения греческого языка вполне могла быть многоязычной. В настоящем исследовании проведен анализ ряда лексических элементов, которые могут свидетельствовать о влиянии некоторого эускаро-кавказского языка (или языковой семьи), носители которого попали в Грецию вместе с распространением земледелия из Анатолии. Такие греческие слова, как акар! `клещ', расттод `грудь, сосок', р/риотаЈ, `верхняя губа, усы', ЗuАov `древесина, дрова', и `дыхание' относятся скорее к разряду базисной лексики и скорее отражают эускаро-кавказский догрече- ский субстрат, чем более поздние культурные заимствования. Анализируемые случаи, скорее всего, представляют собой лишь часть более обширного лексического слоя, идентификация которого требует детального анализа списка «догреческих» слов, составленного Фюрне и Беекесом.
Ключевые слова: баскский язык; севернокавказские языки; эускаро-кавказская гипотеза; догреческий язык; языковые субстраты.
A “Pre-Greek” substratum underlying the Indo-European Greek language has been suspected for a long time. Recently Beekes (2010: xiv) reiterated his rejection of the `Pelasgian' theory (of an earlier Indo-European substratum underlying Greek) and preferred Furnйe's (1972) “elaboration of Kuiper's 1956 study on Greek substrate words, which opened a new chapter in the research of the field.” Beekes resumed that “Furnйe's book met with fierce criticism and was largely neglected. In my view, this was a major mistake in Greek scholarship.” In his 2010 dictionary Beekes devotes ample attention to Pre-Greek, but the “comparison with Basque or Caucasian languages has not been considered in this dictionary, as this is not my [Beekes'] competence; it is likely that there are such connections, but this must be left to other scholars” (Beekes 2010: xv).
One of the current writers had an early exposure to this topic in Nikolaev's (1985) “North Caucasian loanwords in Hittite and Ancient Greek” (in Russian). According to a current Moscow colleague, “Ancient Greek dialects possess a number of North Caucasian loanwords, see Николаев, 1985 (some [of] Nikolaev's connections are highly questionable, but some seem probative)” (Kassian 2010: 404).
It seems that there is no reason to suppose that there was only one “Pre-Greek” language, and that the region where Greek was and is spoken may have been multilingual, with languages of diverse origins. Georgiev (1937, 1941) proposed a Pre-Greek language that was Indo-European of a satdm type, with Lautverschiebung,and close to Thracian. At present Mihaylova (e.g. 2017) holds firmly with Georgiev's model. Another hypothesis is that of Eric Pratt Hamp (1983, 1985, 1989a, 1989b), also proposing an IE Pre-Greek language with Lautverschiebungand Lex Grassmann,but of a centum type (e.g., nupyoз `tower'). Besides the possible IE sources and the Euskaro-Caucasian language proposed here, some of the Pre-Greek words have other, non-IE origins: Semitic or Hurrian are primary candidates. Thanks to notes from V. Blazek (p.c. 09-06-2020). The time span is so long that it is probable that there were many influences on the formation of the Greek language, which will never be fully disentangled.
In the following study a limited number of etyma are examined that seem to bear witness to a widespread Euskaro-Caucasian language (or language family) associated with the spread of agriculture out of Anatolia (Ehret 2015: 90; BCR 453-460; Bengtson 2017b). “I think the ancestors of the Basque people were the first European farmers, bringing agriculture from Asia Minor. The first wave went along the north Mediterranean coast and I would seek its traces in Greece and Italy, plus adjacent islands. The northernmost part of this wave was perhaps the Alpine region, where the tribal languages Rhaetic and Camunic were located, probably related with Etruscan. Till the present time there are traces of Basque-like toponyms and dialect words in Sardinia (V. Blazek, p.c. 09/12-13/2015; also quoted in BCR 453-54, footnote 4). Some of the examples coincide, more or less, with Nikolaev's, as indicated. In general, these examples have been selected so that (a) the Greek words are endorsed as `Pre-Greek' (or probably non-Indo- European) by Beekes, (b) there are putative North Caucasian cognates (updated to conform with NCED, published almost a decade later than Nikolaev 1985), and/or (c) there exist putative Basque cognates (most of them as cited in BCR).
As a preface to this study a disclaimer should be issued, that the following list of putative substratal words is preliminary, and it is not expected that all of the examples will eventually prove to be substrate words. All readers are invited to put forth alternative explanations, if these can be found. Cf. the disclaimer stated by Witzel in his study of a Central Asian substrate: “Naturally, not all words given below will turn out be substrate words; any initial listing like the present one will be fraught with overcounting in favor of non-IE origins, and also with unintended errors.” (Witzel 2015: 149).
акарі `mite' / koqiз`bug, bedbug, Cimex lectularius': “I would rather think that koqlз is cognate [with акарі], as a substrate word, with prothetic vowel and а/оinterchange” (Beekes 49: 754). I North Caucasian: Avar k':ara `mosquito', Andi k':ara, Tindi k:ara, Bagwali c':ara id., Karata k':ara `gadfly', Chamali c':ara id., Akhwakh k':ara `ant, bug', etc.; Bezhta kдlд`mosquito', Hunzib kelo id.; Chechen gora `gadfly', Ingush gor id. < PEC * ( Ыт~ *kard) (NCED 719). I Basque *kara-/*karkar-: (G) karrakaldo `beetle', karkarraldo, karkaraldo, kakalarro, (BN) karkamalo,(B, G, AN) kakalardo, (B) kakarraldo, karkaraldo, (G, AN) kakalerdo, etc.; obviously many expressive changes have occurred. § Contrary to the note about акарі being substrate and cognate with корід, Beekes' lemma on the latter word claims корід is “identical with Ru. kof [f.] 'moth', and traditionally analyzed as an old verbal noun from *(s)ker- `shave, split, cut' seen in ... кєірш etc.” From a Sino-Caucasian perspective, cf. also Burushaski *kharu `louse', Tibeto- Burman *k(h)r[a]-y `mosquito' (SCG 119-20).
аЛыц`threshing floor, garden' (Iliad), `halo' (around sun and moon) ...; also `disk' of the sun or moon, or of a shield; аЛоат, аЛоіаа» `to thresh, crush' (Iliad); etymology unknown (Beekes 78). I North Caucasian: Tindi =eli- `to thresh'; Bezhta =ol-; Batsbi arl-, Chechen ar-, `to thresh', era ` threshing-floor; grain lying upon it', Ingush ard- `to thresh'; Archi iK (ac:as) `to thresh', iK = iti `threshing; grain prepared for threshing'; (with many derivatives) Archi Korom = tiorom `threshing board'; It may be more accurate (phonetically) to transcribe these Archi words as iki, k*orom, since the lateral affri-cates in that language have velarized onsets, i.e. more like [k4], [k4'], [g4], and in some East Caucasian subgroups of eastern Dagestan (Lak, Dargwa, Khinalug, and most of Lezgian) the lateral affricates have become pure velars, [k], [k'], [g], etc.; e.g. Lezgi rugun `threshing board' <*riA:oma (NCED 52-55). Avar lol `threshing board', Andi loli `threshing; threshing-floor', Tindi rali `grain ready for threshing', Karata lale `threshing'; Tsezi reia-y `threshing', Hinukh reia, id., etc. < PEC *=VrLV `to thresh' (NCED 1031). I Basque *larain `threshing floor': (B, G, AN, L, Bzt, Z) larrain `threshing floor', (AN) larrein,(G) larran,(B) larren, larrin, (A) larrin, (R) larren, (with expressive palatal) llarren, llarne id. (FHV 165, 195; A&T XIX 315, 316; EDB 262; OEH; BCR Q.18). § East Caucasian has numerous derivatives, only some of which are cited here. Archi Korom = tiorom `threshing board' (which resembles Basque *lafain `threshing floor') is said to be a derivative by metathesis <*K:iroma< Proto-Lezgian *miK:o-ra (see NCED 1031-33). The PEC structure *=VrLV is the result of a common transposition < Proto-Euskaro-Caucasian *rVLV ~ *LVrV. From a Sino-Caucasian perspective cf. Burushaski *daltв-n-`to thresh' <*rVLV-n- (SCG 182).
аv0Qњn.oз`man' (Iliad); Mycenean a-to-ro-qo/anthrцkwos/. “As no IE explanation has been found, the word is probably of substrate origin” (Beekes 106).5 I Basque: * andere `lady; young lady; woman; wife', (AN, G, BN, Z) `doll', (Z) `queen bee; concubine'; var. (Z) andйre(modern andй `dame, demoiselle'), (G, AN, L, BN, Z) andre,(AN-Larraun) anre `lady, young lady', (A, B) andra, (B) anra, (B-arc) andera `lady; woman; doll', (B) an- drako, andreko`little woman; doll'; Aquitanian andere (female name), andere- (element in female names); andere, andereni, anderexso (male names); andos-, andoss- (element in personal names: `lord'?) (A&T III 865-67; OEH andere, andrako; EDB 93). § Hugo Schuchardt, as reported by A&T, believed the original meaning was `young woman' (`mujer joven'). Etymologists frequently mention Celtic parallels, such as Middle Irish ainder, aindir `young woman', Scottish Gaelic ainnir `virgin', Welsh anner `heifer', enderig `bull, ox' < Old Welsh enderic `steer', Breton ounner, onner `heifer', etc. Michelena, agreeing with Tovar, remarks that the Celtic word (reconstructed as *andera) is not Indo-European but taken from the Iberian languages, that is, that Basque anderedoes not represent a Celtic loan, but rather the opposite (OEH).6Vennemann (1998) has compared Greek вvQзњnoзwith Basque andere,also bringing in other Greek words and names with the components avSpa, avSpo-, and av0p- (see further below about aaAapavSpa). Vennemann also cites possible substratal relics in Romance and Germanic: Old French andre`woman', French argot andrimelle `woman or girl', Occitan andra, landra `woman, prostitute', Bolognese landra `slut', etc. (some forms appear to come from la andra, incorporating the article). 7 As to a possible alternation between Greek avSp- and av0p-, Beekes (p. xxiii) mentions that Furnйe “found that the stops show variation between voiced, voiceless and aspirated, so that there presumably was no phonemic distinction between voice and aspiration in the [Pre- Greek] language.” Western Basque andrako, andreko `little woman; doll', with the diminutive suffix -ko,is a rather close formal match to Mycenean a-to-ro-qo/anthrцkwos/ (see below about suffixes). But cf. Garnier (2008): “... an inherited PIE compound *ndh-r-e-h3kw-ф-(«directed downward», whence «earthling, earthman, earthwoman»).” “pero seguramente tiene mas razon Pokorny al suponer que esta palabra en cйltico no es indoeuropea sino tomada de las lenguas ibйricas, es decir, que el vascuence aqui no representa un prйstamo cйltico, sino mas bien lo contrario” (quoting Tovar). Vennemann cites loans from Romance to Germanic in which the semantic link becomes ever more attenu-ated, e.g. Middle High German landern, lendern `to walk about idle', etc.; see Modern German schlendern`to stroll, wander, amble, saunter, meander' - seems to be related (in Pfeifer 1997: 1211-1212 a not very convincing solution). Sch- in German often marks a negative connotation. Landern, lendern, etc., may be related to German Land `country, countryside, land, ground', which only has cognates in Germanic, Celtic, Slavic, and has been connected with a hypothetical IE *lendh- `free land, heather, steppe', Pfeifer 1997: 762-763.
фokoз`bearing beam'; фoKava `name of two upright beams constructed with a crossbeam' “Benveniste [1929] thinks that Sokoзand SoKava are PreGreek” (Beekes 345). I Basque *tako, *tak-et:(B, G, AN) taket `stake, post', (B, AN) taketa `stake, stick, rod', (B) tako `circular piece of wood', (B-Markina) `piece', (c) `wedge, block, chock, stopper' (OEH; BCR Q.55). I North Caucasian: Adyge taq:a `stump, block', Kabardian daq:a id.; Chechen duq'u `log, beam'; Dargwa duk'i `log, beam'; Tabasaran duq'an `pole, small beam', etc. < PNC *dwtq(w)V `log, stump' (NCED 408). § Nikolaev 67, no. 10. Cf. also Bulgarian tok `a long board that is dragged on the ground to smoothen it; a four-meter long board on which a man steps and it is dragged by oxen on the plowed fields to crush the ground, thick board'. BER 8, 99 links it to tok1, which needs to be separated from Slavic takb `current, flow, stream' (acc. to Bernard 1982: 276); this would be another Balkan manifestation of the Euskaro-Caucasian substratum (see also каЛїа, KaAuЯn ~ Bulgarian koliba, below). From a Sino-Caucasian perspective, cf. Burushaski *dвko`stick, post' (SCG 44). The Basque word is probably the source of Spanish taco. `Thick and short piece of wood or other material, and generally cylindrical or rectangular, for various uses; plug (small, short and elongated piece, usually made of plastic, wood or metal, which is inserted into a hole); cue (for billiards),' etc. The “relation [of Akhwakh c:oro `autumn'] to c:ibero `winter' is not quite clear: perhaps old interdialectal loans, which gave rise to an etymological doublet?” (NCED). Transcribed as zlornl in NCED (the palocka, or `baton' /I/ is not a vowel but is a conventional symbol among Russian Caucasologists that denotes pharyngealization of the preceding consonant or vowel); Klimov & Xalilov (2003: 280) transcribe the Udi word as zzornl`весна'. De Vaan (2008: 100) regards Latin caurus and the Balto-Slavic words as IE cognates (<*kh1u-er-o-), but ex-cludes the Germanic words (and Armenian c`owrt `cold'). Kroonen (2013: 451), however, derives the Germanic words from PIE *skeh1- `shade, shadow' (Greek oKid, etc.) and separates them from the Latin, Baltic and Slavic words.
Сєфирос; `west wind'; personified in the Iliad; Mycenean ze-pu2-ro;Beekes wavers between a derivation from IE *h3iebh- `futuere' and “... Pre-Greek, with PG *a turning up as Ј after the palatal *dy?” (Beekes 499). I North Caucasian: Andi sibiru `autumn', Akhwakh c:oro `autumn' / c:ibero `winter',9 Tindi c:ibar `winter', Karata c:ibero id.; Tsezi sebi `autumn', Hunzib sibdr id.; Lezgi zul `autumn', Tabasaran cul, Tsakhur cuwul/ ciwil id., Udi tfornl `spring (season)';10 Khinalug cuwa-z `autumn'; Batsbi st'abo `autumn', (with metathesis) Chechen bоьstл`spring'; Abkhaz k-jdn `winter', Abaza jnd `autumn' (<*jd-nd)< PNC *cцjwiWV `autumn, winter (rainy season)' (NCED 327). § Nikolaev (68, no. 13) compared Greek and NC, as the former a loan from the latter. It is hard not to think of other words like Russian север/sйver/ `north', etc., and in fact Nikolaev mentions PIE *kлiwero-(his transcription) `winter, north' as a loan from PNC to PIE. A similar view was taken by S.A. Starostin (1988, no. 5.10), citing Latin caurus `north wind';11 Lithuanian siвurй`north', siaurys `north wind'; Slavic *sлven>`north'; Old High German skur`Ungewitter' [English shower, etc.],12 but not Greek Стфирос;. Derksen (2008: 448-449) links Slavic sлverb`North' to an IE *kehiuer-o-, and to Latin caurus `northwestern wind' (<*khiuer-o-). Discussion in Bezlaj (III, 231); Snoj (2003: 652) sees an unexpected root, linked to PIE *(s)k'йHu-ero-.Martirosyan (2021) adds PIE *kehiuer-> Arm. sir `cold wind' (with an unclear etymology) and links it to the Slavic and Latin word (see above). Derivation from IE *h3iebh- `futuere' (cited by Beekes) seems semantically unconvincing. Since all the words cited here are European, they could alternatively be interpreted as independent substratal loans from various Euskaro-Caucasian dialects.
Lktiv ~ Lktпvoз`kite' (bird of prey) (Beekes 585-86) I Basque *saie `vulture, eagle': (B, G, BN, Z) sai `vulture', (B-Gernika) zai id.; (B-Orozko) /sai/ `eagle' (EHHA, map 130); also `eagle' per Voltoire (northern Basque, ca. 1620) (OEH); saie is used to denote `ostrich' in Uriarte's Bible, Lev. 11:16 (1859, Gipuzkoan dialect) (BCR B.13). I North Caucasian: Tsezi ce(y) `eagle, vulture', Hinukh coy `eagle', Bezhta cuha id.; Chamali s'ьy`eagle', Tindi c:u, Karata c':ьyi,Avar c':um ~ c':un id.; Andi c':un `eagle, vulture', Botlikh c':ь?i, Godoberi c:ь?iid.; Khinalug c'im-ir `small bird, sparrow' < PEC *зwвm?V`eagle' (NCED 370). § Beekes also cites Armenian ein`kite'; Old Indic syena- `eagle, falcon', Avestan saлna-`name of a big bird of prey' are “rather deviant” (unclear what this means), and regards the Greek word as of IE origin (<*tkiH-in-). Witzel (2015: 167, no. 293) however cites *caina (>saлna-, syena-) among examples of a Central Asian substrate in Old Iranian. Nikolaev (68, no. 14) cited Greek lktiv as a loan from PEC, along with Hittite hastapi- `oracular bird' (p. 61, no. 6); Armenian ein`kite' is regarded as an independent loan from North Caucasian. Bouda (1948) compared Basque sai, sae and Avar c':um. On the phonetics between Basque *saie and PEC *cwдm?V,the loss of a nasal before a laryngeal is recurrent in Basque (and convergently in some NC languages), e.g. Basque *(e=)kл`smoke' = PNC *kwmhV `smoke' (Avar k':uy, Bagwali k':ьy,etc.: NCED 738; BCR F.2); Basque *sihi `wedge, skewer, spit' = PNC *cдnHV`arrow, bow' (Bagwali c'i `arrow': NCED 358; BCR Q.42).13 The phonetic link between Greek Lktiv and PEC *cwдm?V(for Greek -v cf. Andi c':un, etc.) is not as clear; the initial L- could correspond to Basque fossilized class prefixes, as in Basque *e=ianha/ *e=nhala `swallow, swift' (bird) (BCR B.21) or *i=tain `tick' (BCR B.41); see below under Morphology: Fossilized class (gender) markers. The Greek cluster -kt- may be a rare example of Pre-Greek *-kt- = the PNC/PEC tense affricate *c, though more examples would strengthen the case. (Cf., perhaps, Greek пktiз, -lSoз`marten' [Beekes 2010: 586 “no etymology”] if it is related to PNC *c^rcV `marten, weasel' > Adyghe coza `marten', etc. [NCED 360]).
каЛіа `wooden dwelling, hut, barn, granary, bird's nest'. “Etymological connection with ... каЛипти» [`to cover'], etc. is extremely doubtful” (Beekes 624); (probable derivatives) каЛ-uЯn `hut, cabin'; `bridal bower'; `sleeping tent'; коЛирос; `farmstead' (Hesy- chius); variant коЛирос;: “The variant коЛироз ... shows that the word is Pre-Greek” (Beekes 628). | Basque *o=keiu:(B, G) okellu `stable, corral', (B) ukullu id., (B) okolo, okolu, oko(i)llu `corner', (G) okolu `yard', (BN-Amikuse, Z) okholьid., (G) okullu, okollu, ikullu `hall' (FHV 83; EDB 307; OEH; BCR: Q.5). The oldest attestation is {oquelua} = /okelua/ `rincon [corner, nook]' (with definite article -a) in Landucci's (1958) dictionary.
| North Caucasian: Dargwic (Akusha, Urakhi) qali `house, room', Akusha qal-c `roof'; Tabasaran, Agul, Rutul xal `house', Archi xal `nest', xali `family' (< `^household'), Kryz, Budukh xal `roof'; Avar hor `mow, hayloft, shed', etc. < PEC IV `house, hut'
(NCED 889).14 § Nikolaev (69, no. 16) proposed Greek каЛіа as a loan from PEC *qOlV. Trombetti (1925: 142, no. 289) cites Basque sahi `avvoltoio', with internal -h-. We have not been able to con-firm this form in any other source. This EC word is not to be confused with another that is quite similar, phonetically and semantically: Lak, Dargwa qala, Avar q:ala, Lezgi qele `fort, citadel, fortress, tower', etc., from Turkic: cf. Azeri gala `fortress, lock', Kumyk qala id., Old Turkish qala `fortified part of town' (Dzidalaev 1990: 94). Klimov & Xalilov (2003) clearly show the difference, with two separate lemmae, between: комната[`room, chamber'] (p. 114): Dargwa qali, Tabasaran, Agul, Rutul xal `room', also `house' in all languages cited (no note about any borrowing) and крепость[`fort, castle'] (p. 116): Avar, Andi, Karata (and several other NC languages) qala; (with glottals) Lezgi q'ele, Tsakhur (and 4 other Lezgian langs. + Khinalug) q'ala, etc. Note the oppositions such as Dargwa qala `fort' vs. qali `room, house'; Ta-
The proposed derivation of Basque okelu from Latin locellum is highly questionable semantically; the specialized meanings of the Romance words derived from locellum `Sarg, Grab' are quite distant from the Basque meanings (`stable, corral, hall, yard') and are instead associated with burial (e.g., Spanish lucillo `burial urn': see Dicc; REW 5095); none of the Basque glosses have anything to do with burial. Basque *o=keiu matches PEC *qalV very well, phonetically and semantically: Basque *k = PNC *q and Basque *e = PNC *эare regular.basaran, Agul q:ala, Rutul q'ala `fort' vs. Tabasaran, Agul, Rutul xal `room, house', etc., showing clearly that the etyma are distinct. The correlations between Basque *l, *t and PNC *l, *i (where *t in each family seems to have been a `dark' or velar lateral) are not yet entirely clear (BCR 189-193). Possibly a secondary contrast *l 1*1 developed independ-ently in each family. Basque *o= is the fossilized class prefix (with an allo- morph *u=) seen also in, e.g., Basque *o=hol `board, plank' (Q.62) ~ Rutul xH `wooden trough', etc. < PEC *xulV (NCED 1078), Basque *u=pel `barrel, cask' (Q.29) ~ Tsezi pelu `pipe, reed pipe', etc. < PEC *Hpлiџ`pipe; vein' (NCED 601); and others (BCR 67-68). See also Bulgarian koliba `hut, cabin, shack', etc., which is considered a very early loan from Greek, with many cognates in Balkan languages and perhaps beyond (BER 2, 555-556). The word is considered as stemming from an autochthonous Balkan population: see BER 2, 556, Skok 2, 124. (See also Sokoз~ Bulg. tok, above).
коцп`hair' of the head, also of the mane of a horse (Iliad), metaphoric: `foliage', also of growth in general ... `tail of a comet' ... “etym Not explained with certainty” (Beekes 743-44). I North Caucasian: Andi q':aw `hairdo', Avar, Tindi q':ama `cock's comb', (with suffix) Bagwalal q':am-ca `mane'; Dargwa q'ama `hairdo; fringe, forelock'; Archi q'am `forelock, mane'; Abkhaz a-xwd `hair', Abaza qwa `hair, feather, wool', etc. < PNC *q(w)am?d `plait, mane; hair' (NCED 931). I ? Basque *kima `mane (of horse); bristles (of swine)': (G, AN) kima, (L, BN) khima, (AN, B) kime, (BN) khinba, (AN, BN, Z) k(h)uma, (Z) gima, etc. (OEH kima; FHV 296; A&T XVIII 1001; EDB 251). § Nikolaev (69-70, no. 23) compared Greek and NC. The Basque forms are rather difficult and questionable: (a) differences of the first vowel (PNC /д/ : Basque /i/; /u/ in some Basque forms may be due to secondary assimilation before /m/); (b) the possibility of borrowing or influence from older Spanish coma `mane' (now obsolete in favor of crin)< Latin coma< Greek; (c) the similar word (G) zima,(B, G) txima /cima/, (G) txuma, txume, etc. `grena/ hair of a person or animal that is long and badly combed, tousled, or tangled' (OEH txima), which is often discussed in connection with *kima and may be cross- contaminated with it (FHV 296). But zima and txima, at least, cannot be derived from Latin coma.
pd-Spua ~ apaSpua ~ ЯaSpua ~ dSpua (<*рабриа/wadrua/) `plums, sloes': Beekes (890) explains: “арабриаdid not originally mean `belonging to a tree', as tree names in [ара-] meant `blossoming at the same time as'. Rather, initial /h-/ was added by folk etymology to *а-рабриа, a form with (non-IE) prothetic vowel. This form (а)рабриаmust be a Pre-Greek etymon. If рабриаis reliable, we also have variation р/Я, to which p may be added in order to explain ... абриа” (Beekes 22-23, 191, 890). I Basque *ma=dari/ *u=dari: (A, AN, B, L, BN, Z) madari `pear', (G, AN, L, BN) udare, (L, BN) udari `pear'; in some dialects `fruit' (in general); other variants: udara, udere, urdare, ur- dere (OEH); in place names / family names Madariaga, Maltzaga `(place of) wild pear trees' (FHV 528; A&T XX 651; EDB 354; OEH). § K. Bouda and J. Hubschmid mentioned connections of Basque madari with Greek цпбриа, аpaSpua, and Latin malva `mallow' (!) (as reported by A&T XX 651). The semantic difference `plum' ~ `pear' is unremarkable; cf. the North Caucasian etymology including Chamali k':uk':ul `apricot', Andi k'urk'ul `plum, damson', Lak k:urk:ul `a sort of pear', etc. (NCED 728).
цаЛкп`numbness from cold' in hands and feet, plur. `chilblain'; цаЛкіт ~ цаЛакіа» `to become numb with cold, freeze'; “A convincing explanation is still lacking ... The variant spelling ц.аЛакіи>may indicate that the word is Pre-Greek” (Beekes 898-99). I Basque *mal-gor `numb (from cold)': (BN) malgor,(Z) mвlgor`entumecido' / `engourdi par le froid'; (Sal) malgor-tu `to get moldy, go numb, dry up (a tree) completely', malgor `hollow tree' (A&T XX: 662; OEH); if the Basque word is a compound *mal-gof in which *mal- meant `cold' (= PEC *mhelKe `cold': see below) + *gof ~ *gogof `hard, cruel; deaf' (cognate with PEC *GwerV `stone': NCED 467; BCR R.28). For the semantic relationship of `deaf' and `hard' (~ PEC `stone'), cf. English hard of hearing, stone deaf; Span-ish duro de oido, sordo de piedra, etc. I North Caucasian: Tabasaran merc'-uli `cold' (adj.), Lezgi meq'i, Rutul miq'di, Tsakhur mik'ana id.; Chechen mil-la `from cold, with cold', Batsbi mil-dar `to get cold'; Avar mart' `hoarfrost', etc. < PEC *mhлlВe`cold' (NCED 808). § The Basque development *mal-gof is parallel to Basque (BN, L, Z) molkho `cluster' <*mardo `cluster' + *-ko [diminutive/expressive suffix], in which *mardo = PEC *mar[K]o `handful, armful' (NCED 798; BCR L.9), i.e., the original resonant+lateral affricate cluster like *-JA'- or *-rK- resolves as Basque /l/ when stem-final before a suffix or compounded morpheme. As to the loan correspondence of Greek /k/ in раЛкцto PEC *K in *mhelKe, it is parallel to the loan correspondence postulated by Starostin (1988, nos. 1.6, 1.7, 2.2), e.g. PIE *peku- `livestock' < PEC *bhaKwt `small cattle' (NCED 293; BCR N.20).
|uaCTxфз ~ (Doric) цастбос; ~ цастбос; ~ (Ionic, Epic) цаСос; `teat, breast, woman's breast; (metaphorically) hill, knoll'. “If the form is Pre-Greek, paCoз[mazdos] and цаахос; differ in voice only (and aspiration in Hell. paaGoc;). Since voice and aspiration are not distinctive in PreGreek, all forms may go back to the same Pre-Greek word” (Beekes 912). I Basque *mosu, *mus-ko: (G) musu `nose, snout, face, lip, kiss, point, tip', musu-zulo `nostril', (B) mosu `kiss (on face); lip'; (with suffix) (G) musu-ko `muzzle'; `face, facial, pertaining to the lower half of the face'; (BN) mos-ko `beak', (Z) mьs-koid., (Z-Eskiula) mьskua`(the) nipple', (Z-arc) mus-ko `sting', (B-Onate) mus-ki `snot, mucus', (B, G) mus-kil id., (Sal) titi-mus-ko `nipple', (AN-Jaurrieta) /titamusku/ id. (AT XXI 936; EHHA; BCR A.17). I North Caucasian: Chechen, Ingush muc'ar `snout, muzzle, trunk'; Avar moc':u `teat, nipple; tip'; Akhwakh mic':o `teat, nipple', Chamali mis', Tindi, Godoberi mic:i id.; Inkhokwari mucu `rib'; Lak mazu `nipple (of animal)'; Dar- gwa: Chiragh muc:e `sting'; Lezgi murz `blade; edge, verge; narrow side of an object', Tabasaran murz `edge, verge' < PEC *mh3rзь`point, edge, protruding part' (NCED 811). § Nikolaev (70, no. 29) proposed Greek цаахос; as a loan from North Caucasian. For the correspondence of Greek ax = PNC *c /c'/ = Basque *s see also, below, Greek атаф- = PEC *db- = Basque *sap-. On the semantic side the Greek sense of `teat, nipple' is matched in Avar and Andian idioms, and some local Basque dialects (Eskiula mьsko [with a common diminutive suffix -ko]; in Salazar, Jaurrieta, compounded with titi or tita, a widespread so-called `nursery word'). The original meaning may have been `point, tip, edge' (attested in NC and Basque), with multiple specializations (see below). As to a supposed Romance origin of Basque musu, typical is Trask's (1997: 261, 284) statement (based on those of earlier scholars) that “late Latin MЬSU `muzzle' and its diminutives are widely represented in western Romance ... and it is difficult or impossible to trace the histories of the Basque words [musu, etc.] with confidence” (AT XXI 947). In fact “Proto-Romance” *musus `snout' (REW 5784) is only hypothetical; Meyer-Lьbke considers the word, with wide attestation in the whole Mediterranean area, as “stemming from northern France” and being an “Urschцpfung,” which is not an etymological explanation; and Trask's reference to “western Romance” is key: the lack of reflexes in Rumanian may indicate a Vasconic substratum word attested only in the West. But see also Bulgarian mucщna`snout', thought to have been loaned, via Modern Greek pouxooщva `mask, snout from an animal or human mouth, jaw, pig's snout' < Venetian musona id. (Leschber 2011: 78); further, Bulgarian mucщna> Aroma- nian mutuna `mask' (BER 4, 359). Pellegrini (1999) considers the root *musu, on which the Italian word muso `snout' is based, to be an extremely old root, citing various Italian forms, always with the voiced -s-, and also makes references to non-European terms by pointing out that words that come from the root *musu- (and *busu-) were formed in many languages, not just Indo-European, meaning `mouth, lip, kiss, face', etc. PEC *mhлrcьoffers a potential cognate that is a phonetic match, and has reflexes with meanings precisely matching those of Basque, specifically:
Basque (G) musu `snout, nose', etc., musu-ko `muzzle' ~ Chechen, Ingush muc'-ar `snout, muzzle, trunk'
Basque (Sal) titi-mus-ko `nipple', (Z) mьs-koid. ~ Avar moc':u `teat, nipple', etc.; Lak mazu `nipple (of animal)'; Pre-Greek paoxoз ~ paoSoз ~ paoGoз ~ paCoз `teat, breast' Basque (G) musu `point, tip', etc. ~ Avar moc':u `tip', etc.; Tabasaran murz `edge, verge' Basque (Z-arc) mus-ko `sting' ~ Dargwa (Chiragh) muc:e `sting'
To sum up, cognation of Basque *mosu with PEC *mhdrrn seems preferable to a derivation from a hypothetical Latin *musu, which has no Indo-European antecedents.
|UЈCTmАov `medlar, medlar tree, Mespilus germanica'; also `hawthorn, Crataegus (orien- talis, oxyacantha)'; “A foreign word of unknown origin. Probably Pre-Greek on account of the suffix -tA- ... Borrowed as Lat. mespilum”(Beekes 935-36). I Basque *mahac `grape(s)': (BN, L) mahats `grape(s)', (Z) /mahдc/, (G-Bergara, Leintza) magats, (B, AN-Larraun) maats, (B-Ibarruri, Zeanuri) /marac/, (B, G, AN, Bzt, Sal, R) mats, (B-Aulestia) matz id., etc. (FHV 113; A&T XX 651; EDB 278; OEH; BCR P.17). I North Caucasian: Chechen hamc `medlar', Ingush hamis-k id.; Avar оec`apple', Andi inci, Akhwakh, Karata оeceid.; Tsezi henes `apple'; Lak hiwc; Dargwa оincid.; Tabasaran wic `apple', Archi ansid.; Khinalug mic id.; Abkhaz a-bac `medlar', Adyge napca id., etc. < PNC *iдmcц`apple; medlar' (NCED 237). § The Basque-NC comparison would require metathesis such as [*maоacV]> Basque *mahac. Cf. the metathesis in Adyge napca `medlar' <*banca<*bVmc:wV (according to NCED); *banca is remarkably similar to Michelena's *banats `grapes' (FHV 113). If, as Beekes suggests, -iA- is the suffix of the Pre-Greek word, it leaves peon- as the root, also requiring metathesis according to the PNC form; the /p/ is evocative of the /p/ in Adyge napca `medlar', but these are at best just convergent developments. From a Sino-Caucasian perspective cf. Burushaski *[m]icil `pomegranate', with a suffix similar to the Pre-Greek suffix -iA- (SCG 267). Dia- konoff & Starostin (1986: 24) suggest a Hurrian cognate, xinyurd `apple' (cf. Dargwa оinc),borrowed in Armenian as xnyr. The semantic change of Basque `grape' ~ NC `medlar, apple' ~ Burushaski `pomegranate' should not be surprising: cf. Rumanian poama `fruit, apple', Moldovan poama `grape' ~ French pomme`apple, potato', etc.
(Buck 5.71); and other `fruit' etymologies (e.g. Greek jaaSpua `plum, sloe' ~ Basque *madari `pear', above). Nevertheless, this comparison remains difficult, if not implausible: the origin of the -П- in Greek is not well explained. Even if the Basque and NC terms are indeed related, the Greek form is far removed phonetically, and the etymology requires many assumptions.
(UПkqФз~ стцікрос; ~ ціккос; ~ цікос; `small, short, little': “The group of words has a familiar and colloquial aspect, as is shown by the variants ц-lkoзand geminated ц-lkkoз.The initial interchange in ^lkqoзand (older) ац-iKQФз is unexplained and (also) points to Pre-Greek origin” (Beekes 951-52). I Basque *miko: (BN, L) miko `a little, a little bit, a pinch', (AN-Irun, Bzt) miki id., (BN-Garazi, Sal) mikitta`a tiny bit'. This word is traditionally derived from Spanish miga `crumb', etc. < Lat. mica; and/or Greek ц-lkqoз,but these do not quite work phonetically (A&T XXI 926; OEH; REW 5559). I North Caucasian: Chamali mik'u-b`small', mao' `child', Karata mik'i-s: `small', mak'e`child', Godoberi mik'i-si `small', mak'i`child'; Dargwa Chiragh nik'a-ze`small'; Budukh mik'e `few; a little, small', etc. < PEC *mikwV `small, young one' (NCED 821). § Note also Romanian mic`small' (see nimic `nothing' < Latin nлmпca:REW 5885), normally etymologically linked to a totally hypothetical Latin *miccus or Latin mica`Krьmchen' (REW 5559),17 which also mentions Basque mika and Romanian mic`klein'; the Romanian and South Italian forms could be based on Greek mik(k)os - no further etymological explanation is given.
циЛЛ-OV [n.] `lip' (Beekes 980). I North Caucasian: Dargwic *muhuli `mouth' (Akusha muhli, Chiragh mule, Kadar, Mekeg, Urakhi, Kharbuk muhli, Gapshima muhli, Kubachi mule, Tsudakhar muhuli`mouth');18 (with metathesis) Avar humйr`face', Akhwakh hama-lal `face' (<*hVmV-qili)< PEC *mVhwVlп/ *hwVmVli (NCED 499).19 § “Frisk compares a Germanic group with a single consonant: OHG mula [f.], MHG mul [n.] `mouth, jaws' ... It does not seem that |aь0oз is connected, nor that the gemination is expressive. Perhaps an onomatopoeia” (Beekes 980).(Onomatopoeia - how?) Kroonen (2013: 374) notes that (possibly apart from jauAAov) the Germanic word is restricted to Germanic and could go back to quasi-PIE *muH-lo-, if Bavarian mдuen`to chew, rumigate' is related.20
цисттаЈ ~ ЯvoxaE,`upper lip, mustache'. “Both the variation |a-/Я- and the variant іаОттакєс; point to Pre-Greek origin” (Beekes 249, 986). I Basque *bisa-i `beard': common Basque bizar (definite form bizarra),(Z) bizar, (AN) bizer, pizer, pizar, (B) bisar, bixar /bisar/, bixer id. (EHHA; BCR A.24). With the frequent fossilized plural ending *-r (BCR 76-78), and analogous in form to Agul muz-ur `beard' (see below). With expressive palatal: (Z) bixar /bisar/ `goatee'. I North Caucasian: Khwarshi bisa-n-de `beard', Hunzib bilazba id. (< *biza-l-ba), Bezhta biza-l-ba `mustache'; Tindi miza-tu `beard', Akhwakh mize-thu, Chamali miza-t'w, Bagwali miza-tw id.; Tabasaran muyri, Agul muz-ur De Vaan (2008: 378) prefers to separate mica from (o)piKQФз, citing Nyman's connection with “micдre`to quiver, dart, flash', viz. as the `glittering' particle.” In NCED Dargwa is considered a single language with diverse dialects, but there seems to be a growing consensus that Dargwa is instead a small linguistic group, like Tsezian or Nakh; see Dargwic in Glottolog: https://glottolog.org/resource/languoid/id/darg1242. /и/ denotes a pharyngealized vowel; /h/ is a voiceless em-phatic laryngeal [pharyngeal] fricative. NCED cites *hwVmVli as the proto-form, but *mVhwVli is implicit in the Dargwic forms, with no indication in NCED which would be original. By “rumigate” ruminate must be intended.`beard'; Khinalug mic:-дs`beard', etc. < PEC *bil^^V `beard' (NCED 303). Due to multiple possibilities of vowel reconstruction based on the attested vowels, the NCED authors al-low for the alternative first vowels *-o- or *-д-as possibilities (~ PEC *bцljV, *bдljV).External comparison with Basque *bisa-f `beard' supports the PEC form *biljV, with *-i-. § Nikolaev (71, no. 31) proposed that Greek puaxa^ ~ ЯuoTa^ was a loan from PEC *bilcV (later reconstructed as *biljV in NCED). In some NC languages there are regular changes of the type *biljV > *binj- > *mij- > *muj-, etc. (cf. the Greek variants puaxa^ ~ ЯuoTa^). This etymon, via Greek, is the source of European words such as English mustache. In Baztanese Basque there is a strange blend, mustratx `mustache' (apparently Basque *mustu-f `snout' [BCR A.19] + French moustache).
veKxap `nectar, drink of the gods'; veKxapiov a plant name = йAйviov [Dioscorides Medicus], also name of a medicine and several eyesalves [Galenus]; “In contrast with apЯpooia, which is of related meaning ... vйKTap does not have an ascertained etymology. ... [Fumйe 1972]: 320 compares viKdpiov, an eye-salve. If this is correct, the word may be Pre-Greek. He also points to other Pre-Greek words in -ap (op.cit. 13475)” (Beekes 2010: 1004-05). I Basque *nega-r/ *niga-r `tears, weeping' ~ *nega-l `herpes, scurf': (B, G, AN, L, Sal) negar `tears, weeping', (Sal, B-dial.) near, (BN, L, Bzt, Azk) nigar, (Bzt) niger,(Z) ntgar, (R) nexar [nesar] id.; (B-Ubidea) negar `rennet'; (AN-dial., L) negar `sap, resin (of plants)' OEH gives references to this meaning in dialectal records by Prince Louis Lucien Bonaparte (1813-1891), and the 19th-century unpublished dictionary by Maurice Harriet, who wrote “Mahatsaren nigarra,sиve, larmes, pleurs de la vigne.” The 20th-century Basque writer Andima Ibinagabeitia used the compound arbola-negar = `resina'. (A&T XXI 958; OEH NEGAR; BCR A.78). Cf. also (BN, L, Bzt) negal `skin rash, scurf, herpes', (AN, BN, L, Z) negel, (L) nagel id., with a different suffix, *-l, common in Basque body-part words, and the sense `herpes, rash' is similar to `pus' in the Nakh languages. I North Caucasian: Dargwic (Akusha, Chiragh) nerx `tear', (Urakhi) nirx, (Kaitag) nerx ~ merx, (Tsudakhar) nerx, (Kubachi) mex™ id.; Lezgi nax™, Agul nex™, Archi nabq, Udi nex; Lak maq'; Avar mfаu,Akhwakh maq'a; Bezhta maq'o, Khwarshi muq'u id.; Chechen not'q'a `pus', Ingush nod, Batsbi not'q' `pus', nat'q'-ayn `tears', etc. < PEC [direct stem] *newqь`tear; pus' / [oblique stem] *niwqV- (NCED 848). § Phonetics: The languages compared here involve a segment NEK- or NIK- + a suffix -(a)r: (Pre-)Greek vйKTap, viKap-, Basque *nega-f/ *niga-f, Pre-Proto-Dargwic *nex™-r. The internal /r/ in Dargwic *nerx™ is thought to come from a former plural suffix, thus *nerx™<*nex™-r, parallel in formation to Basque *nega-f. “The medial -r- in PD is obviously secondary, probably having penetrated there from an original plural form in *-r, being later substituted in PD by the *-bi-plural” (NCED). As to the puzzling -kt- in (Pre-)GreekvйKTap (lacking in the possible variant viKapiov) there could be a clue from the Proto-Nakh form *natqu `pus', which NCED explains as “an original plural form (*natqu<*na(w)q-tu<*newq-dV),” if a similar formation could be projected back to Euskaro-Caucasian. The vowel alternation NEK- or NIK- also occurs in all three language areas studied: (Pre-)GreekvйKTap / viKap-, Basque *nega-f/ *niga-f, and PEC *newqь/ *nпwqV-.See below, under Morphology: Ablaut for a brief discussion of Euskaro- Caucasian ablaut. Semantics: The underlying concept is `secretion, exudation (of human and animal bodies, and of plants)', a typologically common semantic realm: For semantic typology, cf. Lak pic'`dew, sweat'; Avar pic':`resin', Karata bic':i; Dargwa penc'`resin'; Che-chen mutta`juice, sap' (Rus. сок); Ubykh bza `water', etc. < PNC *pincwA `resin, juice' (NCED 871); a putative Basque cognate is *pista `fresh rheum; sleep sand (secretion from eyes)' (BCR A.79). See also Basque *i=serdi `sweat; sap (of trees)' (BCR A.89), putatively cognate with PEC *cдlwV`blood; life' (NCED 376).in (Pre-)Greek, `nectar; medicine; eye-salve'; in Basque, `tear(s); rennet; sap, resin'; in
East Caucasian, `tear(s); pus'. The actual substance of vйKxap is not discussed by Beekes, but Roscher (1883) deemed both ambrosia and nectar to be forms of honey. The modern English sense of `the saccharine secretion of a plant, which attracts the insects or birds that pollinate the flower' is quite recent, ca. 1545-55 CE (Flexner 2001: 1284).
ЈuАov ~ (Attic) ctuаov ~ ctuаivoз`wood, timber, firewood, tree, beam, stick; wooden block put around the neck, gallows; bench, table'; also as a measure of length. “It seems to correspond with Lith. sщlas`post, pole, stave' < IE *ksulo-, Ru. sulo [n.] `garden-pole', SCr. sыlj[m.] `block' < IE *kseulo- (?). Germanic words like OHG sul [f.] `style, pole', Go. sauls `pillar' have a similar appearance. The relation between the Slav., Balt., and Gm. words has been amply discussed, but hardly explained. Was the word taken from a non-IE substrate language?” (Beekes 1037-38). I North Caucasian: Lezgi, Tabasaran c'ul `ceiling beam', Agul c'il `thin log', Tsakhur c'il `planking poles'; Avar c'alu `log, beam'; Lak c'ula `beam, girder, log', etc. < PEC *chwtiь(~ *з?wоiь)(NCED 388). There is another very similar NC root: cf. Avar Цулc'ul `wood, firewood', Andi c'ul `stick', Akhwakh c'uli, Karata c'ule id., Tindi c'uli `(shepherd's) staff', Chamali c'uli `whip', etc.; Hunzib c'ulu `arrow', Bezhta c'ulu-c'a id., Tsezi c'eru-c'a `bow', etc. < PEC *cwllKV(NCED 374). It is also tempting to think about Basque *sul `wood, timber, lumber': common Basque zur,in parts of Bizkaia and Navarre zul, Roncalese zьr(with a nasal vowel), etc. (BCR Q.51), compared in BCR with PEC *^w[л]H`twig, rod, sheaf' (Andi zala`branch, rod', Avar zul`broom, besom', Chamali zala `rod', etc.; NCED 1103). However, for phonetic reasons, it seems best to keep these forms separate from Greek ЗuВov, etc. PNC/PEC *3- and *3-correspond to Basque initial *s- (BCR 151-52), while PNC *c-and *c- correspond to Basque initial *c- (BCR 149-50).§ S.A. Starostin (1988, no. 4.11) proposed PIE *kseul- `beam, post, piece of wood' as a loan from PEC *chwiiu `beam' (reconstructed then as *ciwiu, six years before NCED was published). Pfeifer (1997: 1179) regards German Sдule`pillar, pile' as of “Herkunft ungewiss,” while Kroonen (2013: 491) deems its ancestor, Proto-Germanic *suli, “an i-stem of unknown origin” with an ablaut variant *sauli-> Gothic sauls `pillar'.
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дипломная работа [76,9 K], добавлен 12.03.2012Prominent features of Shakespeare’s language. The innovations of the poet in choice and use of words. His influence on the development of grammar rules and stylistics of modern english language. Shakespeare introduction of new elements in the lexicon.
реферат [38,9 K], добавлен 13.06.2014The oldest words borrowed from French. Unique domination of widespread languages in a certain epoch. French-English bilinguism. English is now the most widespread of the word's languages. The French Language in England. Influence on English phrasing.
курсовая работа [119,6 K], добавлен 05.09.2009The history of the English language. Three main types of difference in any language: geographical, social and temporal. Comprehensive analysis of the current state of the lexical system. Etymological layers of English: Latin, Scandinavian and French.
реферат [18,7 K], добавлен 09.02.2014Language is the most important aspect in the life of all beings. General information about Proto-Indo-European language. Proto-Indo-European phonology. Comparison of modern languages of origin. All words about family, particularly family members.
курсовая работа [30,2 K], добавлен 12.12.2013Communication process is not limited to what we say with words. There are 3 elements of communication: Words (7% of information is communicated though words), Body language (55%) and tone of voice (38%). Thus, 93% of communication is non-verbal.
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презентация [281,2 K], добавлен 27.03.2014The influence of other languages and dialects on the formation of the English language. Changes caused by the Norman Conquest and the Great Vowel Shift.Borrowing and influence: romans, celts, danes, normans. Present and future time in the language.
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