Notes on some Pre-Greek words in relation to Euskaro-Caucasian (North Caucasian + Basque)

ôyxvn ~ oxvn `pear tree, Pirus communis; pear'. “[Furnée 1972] thinks the word is Pre- Greek, also on account of the by-form öyvn” (Beekes 1045). I Basque *ok-(arhan) `plum, sloe' (BCR P.16): (B, G-Etxarri-Aranaz, AN-Arakil) ok-aran `plum', (AN-Olza) ok-arin, (AN-Ilzarbe) uk-arain id., (B) txarri-ok-aran `sloe' (txar- /car/ `bad, wild'; cf. Tabasaran c'uru `bad; wild [of plants]', etc.: BCR R.5; NCED 555). A compound with *ar=han `plum' (BCR P.15). *ok-arhan may originally have designated the cultivar plum (cf. Karata axe, Lak aq `garden', etc.) as opposed to wild plums and sloes (AT XXI 975; OEH). (B) txarri-ok-aran `sloe' reflects the fact that the meaning of *ok- was forgotten before the element /car/ `bad, wild' was added. I North Caucasian: Andi oxi `sweet cherry', Akhwakh aqi `grape', Tindi axi, Chamali ax id., Karata axe `garden'; Khwarshi, Inkhokwari oh `grape'; Dargwa Chiragh aq `fruit(s)', Akusha, Urakhi anq `garden'; Lak aq `garden'; etc. < PEC *?ëqV`grape; fruit; orchard, vineyard' (NCED 206); “...excessive -n- in [Proto-Dargwic *?anq] (all other languages reveal absolutely no trace of any medial resonant); it may have penetrated from an oblique base like *?aq-nV- (or, more probably be a result of contamination with another root: PEC *HenqwV `meadow, plot' q.v.)” (NCED). § Nikolaev (71, no. 32) proposed the borrowing of Greek öyyvq / öyv^ from PEC *?ë(N)qV.If, as NCED suggests, there was a PEC “oblique base like *?aq-nV-,” it could explain the Greek -v- in öyxvq. Compare also Latin acinus `grape or other berry', a close phonetic match to the hypothetical PEC *?aq-nV-, just mentioned. Latin “acinus is generally regarded a loanword from an unknown Mediterranean language; since the seeds of grapes are rather bitter, I see no reason to reject a derivation from the root *ak- `sharp'” (de Vaan 2008: 23). The vowels (o or e) are a little difficult. The change of PNC *e > Andian *o is regular, but this “*o was preserved only in Andi, and merged with *a in all other languages” (NCED 74, 108), thus Andi oxi but a- in the other Andian languages. As to Basque *o-, the best match for PNC *?e- = Basque *o- seems to be PEC *?endu `forehead' (NCED 205), Andi honno `forehead' = Basque *ondo2 `side; bottom; proximity, closeness', Bizkaian ad-ondo `forehead (of cattle)' (BCR I.4). (B) ad- seems to be a reduced form of *a=dar `horn' (BCR A.4). The problem of disentangling Basque *ondo\ `joint' (A.77) from *ondo<sub>2</sub> `side, beside' (I.4; and from *honda-r `sand', etc. [D.18], and from reflexes of Latin fundum) is discussed in BCR (240-41).But there are also alternative solutions of Pre-Greek oyxvp. Blazek (2014: 45) mentions a different North Caucasian word that is semantically exact with the Greek word: Avar géni`pear', Andi and Karata hîhî, etc. `pear'; (Tsezian): Bezhta and Gunzib hî`pear'; (*hî `pear' + *?ës`apple' >) Tsezi henes `apple', Khwarshi hîyos`apple'; (Proto-Nakh: *mm- mam)> Chechen mmmarn `peach', Ingush rnmam `apricot', The Proto-Nakh form is a compound of *mn + *pam, the second part of which comes from PNC *pirgwA,

a word which means `apricot', `peach', `plum', `fruit' (in general) in individual NC languages (NCED 873). all reconstructed as Proto-East Caucasian *yönPV`pear' (NCED 475). PEC *yön2Vhas, in turn, been compared with Basque *-han in *ar-han `plum' (BCR P.15), as cited above. Blazek also cites some Semitic words meaning `fresh, unripe dates': Akkadian uhuinnum, uhinnu(m), uhe(n)num `fresh / unripened date(s)' > Jewish Aramaic ?ahena`nicht voll gereifte Dattel' (>Arabic ?ahan `bunch of green dates'), Syriac hern `an unripe fruit, especially fig'.

Qaxiç `spine, backbone, back; (mountain) ridge'. “However, since pQàx-/pQâx- cannot be derived from an IE form (the ablaut in the above reconstructions being impossible), it may instead be Pre-Greek” (Beekes 1277-78). I Basque *ereka or *e=reka `gully, ravine': (c) erreka `gully, ravine, riverbed, arroyo, creek, brook, stream' (FHV 155; AT XI 571; EDB 177; BCR D.8); toponym Erreka (Bizkaia 1093 CE); sporadically written herreka or errheka (OEH). Romance forms like Gascon rèc, arrèc`brook, stream' are probably from Vasconic; “Geographische Verbreitung und Bedeutung legen iberischen Ursprung nahe” (REW 7299). I North Caucasian: Tindi reha `gorge, ravine', Karata rik':eid., Godoberi rek:i-n`valley'; Bezhta rüq'e-ro`mountain slope', Hinukh ruqe-s`plain'; Chechen duq' `mountain ridge'; West Caucasian: Ubykh q*wa `cavern', Adyge q.-^a-sha `mountain', Kabardian q:<sup>w</sup>d-sha `cavern' < PNC *rïgwâ`mountain, rock; cave' (NCED 953). § Nikolaev (71, no. 34) proposed Greek ôàõè was a loan from PNC *rVq'q'V (later revised to *nqwa in NCED). Note the vowels in Pre-Greek ôàõè vs. PNC *nqwa - metathesis of vowels? The semantic glosses are diverse, from `ridge' (Pre-Greek and Nakh) to `slope, plain, valley' (NC), `ravine, gorge, gully' (Tindi, Karata, Basque), and `cavern' (Ubykh).

CTaÀapdvôpa [f.] `salamander, kind of newt'; “Given its non-Indo-European structure, ouAapavSpa may be Pre-Greek. Cf. also on ààèðà[`lizard'], which is probably Pre- Greek, as well” (Beekes 1303); CTaAapivGn [f.] `spider' (Byzantine); “The suffix -iv0q is clearly Pre-Greek, but further connections are unknown” (Beekes 1303). ñòàèðà[f.] `lizard' ... also ñòàéðîñ; [m.] `lizard'. “Without etymology, like many other words for `lizard'. ... As the animal was not a part of the PIE world, the word must be of local, i.e. of Pre-Greek origin” (Beekes 1313). Basque: *suge (or *suhe?) `snake': (c) suge [suye], (G) suga [suya], suba[sußa], (AN, B-Lekeitio, Ubidea, BN-Aldude, G-Iziar) sube[suße], AN (Zugarramurdi) /suyé/ `snake', /suhea/ `the snake', (Z) süge[syye] id. (EHHA, map 114); (in compounds): *suge-lind(il)a: (L-18<sup>th</sup> c.) sugalindila,<sup>27</sup> (B) sugelinda, `lizard', (G) sugalinda,(B) sugalindara,(B, G) sugelindara,(B) sugelandara, (L) sugekandela, (L-Ainhoa) subekandela, (L, R) sugekandera, etc. (see *lindila `lizard', BCR B.25); *suha/endil(a): northern Basque suhendil `lagartija / lézard des murailles' (Pouvreau, 17^th c.);²⁸ (L-Mu- gerre) /suhaindola/, (BN-Armendaritze) /suyandoila/, /suyeandoil/, /suyandola/ `lizard'; *suhangil(a): (BN-Gamarte) /suapgila/, (BN-Ezterenzubi) /suyaipgil/, (BN-Baigorri) /sußeaipgil/ `lizard', etc. (EHHA, map 119); also Sugaar: a mythical serpent in Basque folklore (FHV 59; EDB 342). I North Caucasian: Lezgi sarat'ul `lizard', Kryz surut `scorpion'; Ingush sulq'a `lizard', Chechen sat'q'am `a kind of lizard (ìåäÿíèöà)' (<*sult-ikV); Dargwic (Akusha) sursut'an `lizard', (Kharbuk) s:ilt'a id.; Avar (Antsukh dialect) s:ut `lizard' < PEC *sVlVtV `lizard' (NCED 987). § Since it is well known that words for small creeping creatures (e.g., reptiles, amphibians, arthropods) are fraught with many kinds of expressive and irregular phonetic changes (Bengtson 2017a: 283) it is quite difficult to unravel the origins of the etyma involved; so this lemma can be regarded as more exploratory than definitive. A quick look at the EHHA maps 115 and 119 shows that words for `salamander' and `lizard' are extremely varied from one region or even community to another. Michelena proposed that some of the numerous variants of Basque `lizard' stem from suge `snake' + andere/ andera `lady' (see above under avOp^noç) and there likely was influence of other words (sagu `mouse', lindo `clean, without stain', kandela `candle', and süsker[a Zuberoan word for `lizard']) that would explain the appearance of some variants.²⁹ In BCR (no. B.25) it is postulated instead that there was Basque *lindila (an element in some `lizard' words), cognate with PEC *AwitAwiW `lizard' (NCED 763, attested in only three Daghestanian languages, Chamali ioiol, Lezgi ftfil, Rutul xutxul); the vowels match very well, as do the initial laterals, but in inlaut the Basque cluster *-nd- is matched with the strange PEC cluster *-tAw-, which, as far as we know, does not occur in any other PEC or PNC reconstruction; as expected, there must have been some expressive sound changes on both sides. This *lindila later contaminated with *andere `lady' and the Romance word kandela/-ra `candle' (apparently from the slim shapes of lizards and candles). Or perhaps * andereis also original, since it occurs in other Basque animal names.³⁰ Regarding aaAapavSpa, besides Basque *andere possibly corresponding to the -avSpa part, some Basque lizard names have components that resemble -pavSpa: (Bzt-Aniz, Lekaroz) subemandil, (L-Azkaine) sumandil, (L-Senpere) subemandil, (R) sugemandila `lizard' (OEH sugandila; EHHA map 119); and possibly the aaAa- component is related to PEC *sVlVtV `lizard', if *-tV is a suffix.³¹ The form sugalindila is documented by the 18^th century Lapurdian writer Haraneder, who recorded several archaic forms (OEH SUGANDILA). Sylvain Pouvreau (d. 1675) was a priest of French descent who in the course of his studies and jobs learned Latin, Hebrew, Spanish, and Basque, the last of these well enough to write several translations of religious tracts as well as an unpublished Basque-French dictionary (ca. 1650~1660), parts of which are preserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale de Paris. This dictionary is respected and widely quoted by Vasconists (Trask 1997: 48, 50-51). “De *suge + andere/-a.Es probable que haya habido influencia de otras palabras (sagu, lindo, kandela/-ra, süsker...) que explicaria el aspecto de algunas variantes” (OEH SUGANDILA). (BN, L) satandere `weasel, marten' (carnivora: mustelidae) (<*sag-t-andere, ostensibly `mouse-lady', but originally this -andere,before phonetic distortion, may have been related to Proto-Andian *handa-, as in Tindi handa-reX:u `weasel', etc.; cf. Basque *ergu-nedi `weasel', also possibly containing a distorted morph *-nedi related to Tindi handa-, Tsezi madu- (in madu-tii `weasel'), etc. (BCR B.10; NCED 239). Cf. Bezhta dibi-t'o `drum', q'asq'a-t'o `throat'; Khinalug k'unk'u-t'a `weasel, marten'; Basque neska-to `little girl', (Bzt) eltxe-to `small pot', elixa-to `small chapel', etc. (BCR 55).

Pre-Greek ñòàËà- ~ Lezgi sara-t'u-l `lizard'; Ingush sul-q'a id.< PEC *sVlV-tV Pre-Greek -pavÖQa ~ Basque -mandil(a) (in dialect words for `lizard')

As to CTaAapivGn `spider', connections between names of reptiles, amphibians and arthropods is not uncommon: e.g., Basque (R) arreuli `salamander', (Z) `scorpion' (BCR B.26); Basque (G) arrubi `salamander, scorpion' (BCR B.27), and Lezgi sarat'ul `lizard', Kryz surut `scorpion' (mentioned above). Another twist to these etymologies is the ancient belief that salamanders were associated with fire and immune to fire, so much so that several ancient dignitaries (the emperor of India, Pope Alexander III, Prester John) wore garments made of salamander skins, believing that they protected them from fire (Ashcroft 2000: 112-13). The species Salamandra salamandra, known as Feuersalamanderin German (along with numerous dialectal designations) is widespread in Europe, south of the Baltic and North Seas and west of the Bosporus. It may be notable that this association may have crept into some of the Basque designations of `lizard', such as (L-Azkaine) sumandil, in which su- in the folk mind could be associated as much with Basque *su `fire' (BCR F.1: cf. PNC oblique stem *cüy-`fire') as with *suge `snake'. In a Sino-Caucasian context Basque *suge `snake' may be linked with Yeniseian *c[ï]k`snake, fish' (BCR Z.13). On the other hand, Pre-Greek aaupa [f.], aaùpoç [m.] `lizard', if not related to Lezgi sara-t'u-l, etc., could have a Semitic origin: cf. Akkadian surarû, suraru(m), (anal,) surïrû`lizard(s)' (CDA 341) < Semitic *sauru `lizard'. Thanks to suggestions from V. Blazek (p.c. 11/04/2020).He is currently preparing a proposal that Greek oaupa / oaûpoç were borrowed not directly from Akkadian but more likely from a Semitic language of an Amo- rite type, thanks to trade contacts between the Levant and Crete.

ctiqoç ~ ctïqoç~ CTeiQÔç `pit or vessel for keeping corn, silo'. “Technical word without etymology. The variation between mp-, oïq-,cap- is hard to explain from an IE point of view” (Beekes 1335). / CTÙQiy^, CTÙQiyyoç `quill, flute, syrinx [shepherd's pipe]' (Il[iad]); also of pipe-like objects, e.g. `windpipe, blood-vessel, fistula' (medic., etc.), `spear case' ... `hole in the nave of a wheel' ..., `subterranean passage' ... Arm[enian] sring `flute, pipe' was probably taken from the same source. Borrowed as Skt. surunga [f.] `subterranean passage' (Beekes 1423-24). / CTtoA^v `pipe, channel'; `grooved tile', etc. < hypothetical *ou>Aoç or *ou>Aov; “Etymology unclear; ... [Furnée] suggests that the word is Pre-Greek (giving other such words in -qv)” (Beekes 1439). The comparison with îûË/qv is suggested by Giampaolo Tardivo (p.c. 11/22/2020). For olqoç Tardivo sug-gests a Semitic origin: Hebrew sir `pot, vessel', Arabic zi:r `a large jar'. But “Hebrew sir cannot correspond to Ara-bic zi:r which does correspond to [Egyptian] (Pyramid texts) zwr `drinking vessel' ... likely one more [Egyptian] loan in Arabic (I've just published a paper on these loans [Militarev 2020]) (A. Yu. Militarev, p.c. 12/03/2020). I Basque *suifio `hole, cave; (anatomical) tube': (BN, L) zulho, zilho `hole, burrow', (B, G, AN) zulo,(B-Orozko) zulu,(AN-Goizueta) zolo, (B-Aulestia) sulo, (B, Sal, L-Ainhoa) zilo, zillo, (Z) zilo, xilo, (R) xillo /siAo/ id., (AN, BN, Z) zilo-ka `cave', (AN-Lezaka, Bzt) ur-zilo `cistern' (`water-hole'), etc.; generally, southwestern zulo/ northeastern zil(h)o; (G) zilo “Silo, lugar subterraneo donde se guarda el trigo” [Larramendi, 18^th c.]; (B-Vergara, Salinas) silo “Silo para conservar hierba fresca” (OEH silo); in anatomical compounds: (G) ipurt-zulo `anus', eztar-zulo `pharynx', musu-zulo `nostril', (Z) südür-xz7o `nostril', (B) sama-zulo `gullet', etc. (FHV 77, 320; EDB 227, 342, 380; BCR I.12). I North Caucasian: Avar (Antsukh dialect) sulu `pipe', Chamali na-s:ul `tubular bone', Andi tom-s:il, Karata hani-s:el id., Tindi han-s:al `arm (from hand to elbow)'; The four Andian compounds come from *honi-s:^wVlV `marrow-pipe' (thus, `tubular bone') or *tomV-s:^wVTV ? `sinew-tube' (thus, `forearm'). Tsezi silu `horn', Be- zhta selo, Hunzib, Inkhokwari selu, Khwarshi seru id.; Lezgi sulu-r `throat', Lezgi sulur`ãîðëî / throat' is not discussed in NCED, but is cited in Klimov & Xalilov (2003: 71-72). Lezgi sulur fits this etymology phonetically (consistent with Proto-Lezgian *sol- ~ *s:ol-) and semantically: “the meanings `gullet, throat' and `top of boot' are sometimes interchangeable (cf., e.g. Lezg. q:ux meaning both)” (NCED 979). Kryz sil `top (of boot)', (with metathesis) Rutul lis`gullet', etc. < PEC *swöiV`hollow tube' (NCED 978). § At least from the few examples here, nothing decisive can be said about the development of liquids. Pre-Greek also has a high-front vowel (i ~ ¯ ~ ei) while some NC languages (Tsezi silu `horn', etc.) and Basque dialects (Z zilo, xilo) have developed i-vowels, alongside back-rounded vowels. Semantically, the meanings denoting tubular body parts are attested in NC (Chamali na-s:ul `tubular bone'; Tsezi silu `horn', etc.); Basque (G eztar-zulo `pharynx', musu-zulo `nostril', abo-zulo `mouth(-hole)', etc.); and in Pre-Greek (oOpryE, `windpipe, blood-vessel, fistula'). Specializations as `subterranean passage / cave' and `pit or vessel for keeping corn, silo' are attested in Basque and Pre-Greek. ou>Aqv `pipe, channel' is very close to the semantics of Avar (dial.) sulu `pipe'. By one route or another, this etymon is the likely ultimate source of English silo, and related European words. Skeat (1882: 562) derives it from Spanish silo < Latin sïrum< Greek olpôç, and this is still a commonly cited source. Though REW (7955) derives Spanish silo, Provençal sil and Galician siro from Greek olpôç `unterirdische Getreidekammer', the Real Academia (Dicc) declares the Spanish word as “de origen incognito.” The web resource Online Etymology Dictionary has, in our opinion, a more reasonable theory, that “the Spanish word is from a pre-Roman Iberian language word represented by Basque zilo, zulo `dugout, cave or shelter for keeping grain'.” The entry quotes Barnhart &Steinmetz (1988): “The change from r to l in Spanish is abnormal and Greek siros was a rare foreign term peculiar to regions of Asia Minor and not likely to emerge in Castilian Spain.” https://www.etymonline.com/ For the German word Silo the origin is unclear, according to Pfeifer (1997: 1292).

ñòòàôèËÜ`bunch of grapes'; `grape' [Iliad]; (metaphorically) `swollen uvula, uvula inflammation'. “The similarity with àîòàô³ä `dried grapes' is probably not accidental, but the exact relation of the words is unknown. The group of words is Pre-Greek ... àîòàô³ä ~ îîòàô³ä ~ îòàô³ä ... `dried grapes, raisins' [is a] typical substrate word, with prothetic vowel and variation à/î-” (Beekes 155, 1391-92). I Basque *sapa-i `blackberry-bramble, thicket': (BN) sapar `thicket, bramble', (BN-Amikuse, L-Bardos) saphar `hedge, fence', (BN) saparr-ondo `thicket, bramble'; with expressive palatal /ñ/: (R) txapar `kermes oak' (Quercus coccifera), `scrub, brush, undergrowth', (Sal) txaparro `scrub of evergreen oak or holm oak' (FHV 54, 296; EDB 258; BCR C.19). I North Caucasian: Avar c':ibi-l `grape', Avar (Chadakolob) c'ibi-l `grape'; Rutul c'ib `juniper', Tsakhur c'ib `juniper', Lezgi c'p:-az `blackberry' < PEC *cibV `a kind of berry' [better: `berry, plant with berries'] (NCED 367; a sparsely attested [Avar, Lezgian] isogloss.) § The comparison by Nikolaev (72, no. 37) was actually with Proto-Nakh-Daghestan- ian *[c'c']VmbiiV`âèíîãðàä'/ `grapes, grapevine' > Avar c':ibi-l `grape' and Proto- Lezgian *t'umbul. By the time the NCED was published, nine years after the 1985 article, these words had been resorted into two different etymologies, the one cited above and PNC *tümhV`kernel, stone (of fruit, nut); marrow' (NCED 1004). The types of berries denoted in the above etymologies are diverse (juniper, blackberry, grape), so the oldest meaning may have been `plant with (some kind of) berries'. Such plants tend to be low-lying bushes with a tangle of spiny branches (blackberry, juniper), thus the semantic connection with Basque `bramble, thicket'. Avar `grape' seems to be a secondary semantic development < `berry'. For the correspondence of Greek ax = PNC *c /c'/ = Basque *s see also II: paax- = PEC *mhdrc- = Basque *mos-; Basque *a = PNC *i is uncommon, but also occurs, e.g. in Basque *saihui `quick, nimble, flexible', etc. = PNC *silV/ *siiV `light (of weight)' (BCR R.42). Basque *capa-f is the source of Spanish chap- arro `scrub oak' (Dicc) > American English chaparral and chaps (leather leggings). Other developments have penetrated world current events. The Mexican Spanish word chapo `persona de baja estatura' (Dicc) < Basque (B) txapar `persona de pequeha estatura' (OEH) is widely known as the nickname of drug trafficker Joaquin “El Chapo” Guzman (now imprisoned in Colorado, USA).Other Romance developments include Aragonese chaparro `scrub pine'; cf. Latin sap- pinus `fir', of unclear (Celtic?) origin > French, Provençal sapin,Old Italian zappino, etc. (Hubschmid 1960: 40-41; REW 7592). Basque *sapa-f should of course be kept separate from some other superficially similar Basque words for `bramble': *lapa-f, *lahaf, and *gapa-f (see BCR C.15, C.17, C.18), each of which has a distinct NC cognate; but clearly these have all become contaminated in the popular mind.

'Ô'éÕË`aspiration, breath, life, vitality, soul (of the deceased), spirit'; ôèõ&>`to breathe, blow' [`I breathe, blow']. “I do not find these suggestions [of IE etymologies] convincing. There is hardly any evidence for an IE root *bhes- `to blow' ... Therefore, the word is more probably of Pre-Greek origin” (Beekes 1672). I Basque *bi=si (noun) `life; lifetime', (adj.) `alive': Common Basque bizi `alive, living, lively; life', (B-Markina) bixi /bisi/ (A&T VII 147; EDB 145; BCR A.87). I North Caucasian: Chechen, Ingush, Batsbi sa`soul'; oblique base *si- (Chechen si-na-, Ingush si-no, Batsbi pl. siy-s).; III-class); Lak s:ih `breath, vapor' (III-class); Karata s:uh-an- `to get tired'; West Caucasian: PWC *pd-s^wV> Ubykh p=sa-x^w3- `to breathe'; Adyge, Kabardian p=éd-n`to get tired'. Abkhaz a-ps-ra `to die', Abaza ps-ra id.< PNC *stHwV `breath; to breathe'; with III-class prefix *b=stHwV (NCED 961). § Nikolaev (72, no. 40) cites Greek ôéõðas a loan from North Caucasian, in which ô/ps/ corresponds to /ps/, /ps/ in the West Caucasian forms, and X /k^h/ to the PNC laryngeal *H (Lak /h/). The Basque word is analyzed in BCR as the root *=si (= PNC *sïHwV)preceded by the fossilized class prefix *bi= (= PNC *b=/*w= III-class [inanimate] singular: note that the Nakh and Lak parallels cited above belong to the III-class). NCED suggests deriving PWC *pa-s^wV from an earlier *pd-sdHwV, which is exactly parallel in form with Basque *bi=si, and also provides a plausible antecedent to Greek ôéõð/psük^he/. “The semantic developments `to breathe' > `get tired' ... > `die' are quite usual.” (NCED 961); cf. Russian dusa `mind, soul, spirit' :dusit' `to smother'; Greek ' £ê-ôèõ&>`to breathe one's last; expire, lose consciousness, die'. It is tempting to suggest Latin spïrô`I breathe, blow; am alive, am inspired', spïritus`breath, breathing; breeze, air; spirit', ex-spïrare`to breathe out, die', etc., from Proto-Italic *spïr/s-(i.e., *spïr-or *spïs-, according to de Vaan 2008: 581), if there was a metathesis of *psï->*spï-. DeVaan only opines “Possibly an onomatopoeic formation imitating the sound of breathing. There are no direct [IE] cognates.” In his older dictionary Walde (1910: 731) cites Old Church Slavic pistq, piskati`pfeifen, flöten', Sanskrit pic- chorä `Pfeife, Flöte', and reflexes of Proto-Germanic *fisan- `to blow; to fart'. In the etymological lemma for the lat-ter word in Kroonen (2013: 142) Latin spïr-is also cross-referenced, along with Welsh ffûn`breath' (<*spoi-n-eh<sub>2</sub>-). Kroonen speculates that “the PIE form of the verb may have been *pséi-s-e-,”with the first /s/ dropped in Germanic due to dissimilation. Again, PIE *pséi-is close to the form of PNC *(b=)siHwV.and Basque *bi=si. Diakonoff & Starostin (1986: 36) thought there were cognates of PNC *sïHwVin Hurrian-Urartian: Hurrian sey-iri `alive', sey-ori `fate' or `life', Urartian su/oy-ori / sey-eri `alive'.

Phonology

Some sound correspondences have already been remarked upon. In the examples paaxoc; and àòàôèËðwe see the equation Pre-Greek st-, -st- = PNC /c'/ = Basque *s. In example III we have Pre-Greek -st- = PNC *-3- = Basque *-s-. Both represent changes of the type TS > ST (or, less likely, ST > TS) which are reminiscent of shifts within North Caucasian (Nakh languages) and between North Caucasian and Basque. For the former, the authors of NCED remark that

Most difficult to explain are cases of [Proto-Nakh] reflecting PEC hissing (and hissing-hushing ...)

affricates and fricatives as a *st (*st) cluster (both in initial and non-initial positions) ... probably as

a result of distant palatalization) after or before a *j ... or following the resonant *l (NCED 47, 51).

Basque /st/, /st/ realizations coincide with Nakh /st/ or /st'/ in only a few cases: Number designations after Basque forms (A.88, etc.) correspond to etymology numbers in BCR, where more complete information on each comparison may be found.

Basque (B) beaztun `gall, bile' (vs. [L-arc] behazun, etc. <*beha-sun A.88) ~ Chechen stim `gall' (PNC *cwâymë`gall, anger': NCED 329)

Basque (R) aizto `knife' (Q.11) ~ Chechen sto `chisel', Ingush osta, Batsbi st'o id. (PNC *HäyjV`chisel': NCED 542)

Basque *astun `heavy' (R.29) ~ Chechen, Ingush =arst- `to fatten, become fat', Batsbi =arst'- id. (PNC *=HrVysË`thick, dense, fat': NCED 608)

This suggests that the conditions producing Basque /st/ clusters were at least slightly different from those underlying Nakh /st/ clusters. In putative Basque-NC cognates there seems to be a correlation between Basque /st/ or /st/ and PNC/PEC tense sibilants (*s, *c, *c, *2):

Basque *e=stafi `throat' (A.32) ~ PNC *swËri/ *riswË`neck' (Agul s:ür`gullet': NCED 953)

Basque *hestu-n `ring, link' (Q.37) ~ PEC *HVcV (Khwarshi ocu `ring, hoop; buckle': NCED 612)

Basque *listo-/ *listo- `hornet, wasp' (B.31) ~ PEC *KämcV(Akhwakh iac':u `ant; bug, bedbug': NCED 766)

Basque *pista `rheum, eye secretion' (A.79) ~ PNC *pincwÄ`resin, juice' (Lak pic `dew, sweat': NCED 871)

Basque *esti `honey, sweet' (if <*emsti: P.21) ~ PEC *mïiV`sweet' / *hwmïjü`honey' (Archi iC: `sweet' / imc `honey': NCED 824)

With only two Pre-Greek examples, it is insufficient to demonstrate a firm correlation between its /st/ reflexes and Euskaro-Caucasian. However, it may be a tantalizing hint that more examples could be found with a concerted search.

Morphology

Fossilized class (gender) markers: Beekes and others have remarked on the variations of initials in cases such as paSpua ~ dpaSpua ~ ßaSpua ~ dSpua `plums, sloes'; we saw a similar alternation in Basque *ma=dari/ *u=dari `pear'. There is a similar situation in àêàð³ `mite' / KÔpiç `bedbug', about which Beekes remarked on the prothetic vowel as one of the signs of a Pre-Greek substrate word: “Pre-Greek had a prothetic vowel, e.g. àîêàÀàôîä [`name of an unknown bird, perhaps an owl'] beside êàÀàôîä. In most cases, the vowel is à-. The numbers [according to Fumée 1972: 368ff.] are as follows: a ± 90, î10, £ 5, i 3, è0, q 6, ai 2. Note that, generally speaking, a may interchange with î, £, and ai. Indeed, we have cases where prothetic îinterchanges with a, and the same holds for £ ...” (Beekes xxiii). Yet another example is ààòàô³ñ; ~ îàòàô³ñ; ~ àòàô³ñ; `dried grapes, raisins', beside àòàôèË-q `bunch of grapes; grape'. With a possible prefix i- we have L-ktiv ~ L-ktïvoç`kite'.

This brings to mind the list of seven “puzzles” that R.L. Trask thought Basque-Caucasian comparisons should help to solve. First on the list was a statement that “Pre-Basque clearly had an extraordinarily large proportion of lexical items beginning with a vowel, and ... only a very few word-initial consonants. Why is this so?” (Trask 1996: 115-16).

In fact, one of the current authors (e.g. Bengtson 1994) had already offered an explanation regarding Basque nouns, that some of the initial vowels reflected fossilized class prefixes, or “stage III articles,” a solution that Trask repeatedly rejected. This hypothesis is supported by the fact that many, but by no means all, Basque-North Caucasian parallels involve Basque words with initial vowels.

Basque *a=co `old woman' (BCR J.7) ~ Lak c:u- `female', etc. < PNC *cwöyV`woman, female' (NCED 374)

Basque *a=kec `boar' (BCR N.23) ~ Lak q:aca `bull-calf', etc. < PEC *G3cV (NCED 453)

Basque *e=kë/ *kë `smoke' (BCR F.2) ~ Avar k':uy `smoke', etc. < PNC *kwmhV (NCED 738)

Basque *i=cu/ *su `fire' (BCR F.1) ~ Lak c'u `fire', etc. < PNC *œyt/ *cüy-`fire' (NCED 354)

Basque *o=hol `board, plank' (BCR Q.62) ~ Rutul xH `wooden trough', etc. < PEC *xulV/ *XutV (NCED 1078)

Basque *u=ri[s]a `female (animal); woman' (BCR N.15) ~ Akhwakh resa `heifer', etc. < PEC *r=tswË`heifer; female child' (NCED 671)

Many more examples are cited in BCR (pp. 58-71). It is further proposed that Basque *e= and *i= are historically the same prefix, likewise with *o=/ *u=, that is, mid and high vowel al- lomorphs, as also seen in the hypothesized prefix *be=/ *bi= (see below).

Iversen & Kroonen (2017: 517), in their study of a postulated pre-Indo-European substrate that they term as the “Early European Neolithic language” point out that many relic words traced to this substratum “exhibit the same alternation consisting of forms with and without word-initial a-. In all likelihood, this was a productive derivational element--that is, a prefix- in the language from which these words were borrowed.” Some examples cited by Iversen & Kroonen (with putative Basque and NC cognates) include:

Latin merula `blackbird' (<*mesl-) : Old High German amsala id. (<*a-msl-) : cf. (without a prefix) Basque *mosolo `(small) owl; buho, mochuelo': mozolu, mozoilo, mosolo, (expressive) moxolo, motzollo id.; NC: Archi mus:al `wild turkey', Chamali (dial.) mus:iya id. The NC words reconstruct to PEC *?Vmswël?ë`wild turkey' (NCED 225); Spanish mochuelo `a kind of small owl' looks like a loan from a Basque or Vasconic expressive variant of *mosolo. On semantic changes, as can be seen from other bird etymologies, meanings can historically vary quite widely: A. Hittite haras, haranas `eagle'; Greek oqv£ov `bird' (general), ôpviç `bird, cock, hen'; Armenian oror, urur `seagull, harrier', etc.; B. Dargwa hunuc' `eagle' (poetic); Avar hinc': `bird' (in general); Chechen höza`sparrow', etc. (NCED 525); compared with Basque *hunc/*honc `owl' (BCR B.23); C. Chechen sorsal `blackbird, thrush'; Bezhta sasu `swallow'; Khinalug cänc`pigeon' (NCED 987); compared with Basque *soso / *soso `blackbird, thrush' (BCR B.18).

Old English lawerce `lark' (<*laiwar-) : Gaulish alauda id. (<*a-laud-) : cf. Basque *e=ianha (~ *e=nhala) `swallow, swift'; Dargwic laha ~ lawha ~ lahwa ~ lax^wa ~ nax^wa `pigeon' BCR B.21; NCED 750. The bird species swallow and swift are superficially similar, less so the pigeon (dove). (See the notes to `blackbird', just above.)

Old English secge `sedge' (<*sak-) : Russian osoka id. (<*a-sak-) : cf. Basque *i=sac `broom (plant)'; Chechen sac `sedge' BCR C.26; NCED 983. The semantic differences may be based on `plant used in making brooms': some types of sedge are suitable for this. Broom and sedge are both under the order Poales.

Latin rapa `turnip', Old High German ruoba (<*rap-), Proto-Slavic *repa `turnip' (BER 6, 387) : Welsh erfin<*a-rb^(h)- id. : cf. Basque arbi (<*a=r(V)bi ) `turnip'

It can be noted that several of Iversen & Kroonen's Early European Neolithic words have Basque and/or North Caucasian comparanda, giving weight to the hypothesis that “Early European Neolithic language” was related to Basque and North Caucasian. More weight is supplied by the fact that a similar phenomenon - the presence or absence of these types of vocalic prefixes - can be observed synchronically within Basque. For example, the Basque word for `smoke', cited above as *e=kë / *kë`smoke', is attested as standard (EB) ke, and variants of this in most of western and northern Basque (ké, kée, keé, kéi, ki, khe, etc.), but in large parts of High Navarre (AN) and sporadically in Low Navarre (BN) there is a prefix e- or i- (éke, eké, iké, etc.). These patterns are shown quite clearly in the Basque dialect atlas (EHHA map 1026).Similarly:

Basque *geHeti / *i=kela / *o=keii/a: (L-arc) geheli`fresh beef', (B) geeli`(fresh) beef, fresh meat', (B, R, Bzt) geli`lean meat' / (BN) ikhel`fattened ox', (AN) ikela id., (B, Z) okela `meat', (L) okhela, okheli `meat; piece (of meat, cheese), morsel', etc.; cf. Dargwa q'^al, Lak ul `cow', etc. < PEC *qûweiV/ *qweiûV`large female domestic animal (cow, mare)' (BCR P.12; NCED 917)

Basque *purdi / *e=purdi: (Bzt, BN-Aldude) purdi `buttocks, arse', (AN) epurdi, (L) iphurdi, (Z) iphürdi,(A, G, Sal, B-Markina, Onate) ipurdi, (B-arc) ipirdi, (B) eperdi, id.; cf. Archi part'i `one of the large intestines', etc. < PEC *pHVrtwV `some inner organ' (BCR A.45; NCED 871) For semantic typology cf. Old Indic gudâ-`intestine, bowels, anus' > Pali guda `anus', Sindhi guï`anus, pos-terior', etc. (Turner 1962, lemma 4194).

Basque *gai / *e=kai: (B-arc) gei `thing', (B, Z, R) gei `material, subject', (G, AN, BN, L) gai, (BN-Garazi) kai, (BN-arc, L-arc) ekhai, ekai, (BN) ekhei,(Z) ekhéiid.; cf. Avar q':ayi `thing(s), possession(s)', etc. < PEC *qwaye `thing(s), possession(s), household' (BCR L.13; NCED 930)

These variants seem to reflect a time, long before Basque was a written language, when fossilized class prefixes (stage III articles) were in free variation, and eventually each dialect generalized, in different ways, either the prefixed or unprefixed form, or sometimes both. In other words it can be called the reorganization of allomorphs.

In North Caucasian traces of a similar trend are found sporadically, mainly in the East Caucasian branch. In one of the words for `snow' Lezgian languages (Lezgi ziw, Tabasaran yif, Agul ibx) reflect PEC *yïwAV`snow', which also appears to include an incorporated *y= (II-class) prefix analogous to *e= in the Basque word *e=ihu-f `snow', i.e. *yïwAV <*y(ï)=AïwV; on the other hand the synonymous Nakh words (Chechen lo ~ luo, Ingush h ~ loa, Batsbi law) stem from the unprefixed PEC form *AïwV`snow' (BCR G.17; NCED 684). Perhaps also in Basque *lu- / *e=lhu-: (Sal, Bzt, AN-Lezaka) lauso `avalanche of snow' / (BN) elhauso id., compounds of Basque *lu- / *e=ihu- `snow' + *auso `fall (of snow, rain') (BCR G.11), the latter related to Basque *e=ausi `to fall'; cf. PEC *=üsV`to descend, fall, be scattered' (NCED 1011; BCR V.20). Thus it is proposed that PEC *AiwV / *y(i)=AiwV `snow', with a regional reorganization of allomorphs, is parallel to the Basque cases like *ke/ *e=ke `smoke' cited above. Consider also:

PEC *AwilV / *y(i)=AwilV`elbow': NCED cites the reconstruction as *(Hi)KwilV `elbow'; *KwilV/ *y(i)=KwilV is Bengtson's reinterpretation. Tsezi horu `elbow', Hunzib horu, Khwarshi hal; Agul q:ar-xil `elbow' The Agul word is “a compound with some not quite clear first component (is it a distorted [Proto-Lezgian] *X'-H `hand'? or *q:Iun `arm'?)” (NCED). (< Proto-Lezgian *Awil)/ (with prefix) Akhwakh eKelo (etielo) `elbow' (NCED 770); compared with Basque *be=thaun/ *be=thaur- `knee' (BCR A.74).

Examples of prefixed and unprefixed nouns can also be found involving the fossilized prefix (article) *be=/ *bi=:

Basque *hac`finger, paw' / *be=hac`thumb, toe': (BN, L) hatz `paw', be-hatz `finger, thumb'; (B) atz `finger, inch', be-atz `toe', etc., with many more meanings depending on dialect (BCR A.68); cf. Avar kwaC `paw', Batsbi k'ac `foot, leg' (a slighting expression), etc. < PEC *kwâçë(NCED 704)

Basque *fierde, *fielde-r/ *bilde-r (< *bi=fielde-r): (BN, L) herde `drool(ing), slobber, slaver', (AN, Bzt, Sal) erdeid.; (with *r- suffix and dissim.) *ûelde-rid. > (BN, L) helder, heldor, (L, BN-Baigorri, R-Uztarroz) elder,(Z) élder`drop of spittle that falls from the lips'; (G-Gabiria, Iziar) bilder, (G-Zestoa) bildar `drool, saliva' (BCR A.80); cf. Karata hanl'a `sweat', Akhwakh ati'a id., etc. < PEC *üämKä(NCED 509)

The Basque prefix *m=/ *ma=/ *mo= is far less frequent than *be=/ *bi=, and may have been a nasalized variant of the latter. Both Michelena and Trask accepted the reality of the *m= prefix. “No se puede poner en duda, por el contrario, la realidad de un prefijo nominal m(a)- ...” (FHV 271). It was also mentioned by Trask, along with a long list of “expressive” Basque words with initial m- (Trask 1997: 257-58; EDB 273-78).Besides Basque *ma=dari / *u=dari`pear', discussed above, consider the following examples.

Basque *mo=kol(o) / *a=kal /(reduplicated) *kakol: (B) mokol `shell (of egg, nut), husk (of maize)', mokolo `husk (of maize)' / (Bzt) akal `empty (of a chestnut shell)' / (B) kakol `shell' (BCR C.38); cf. Akhwakh q'oli `crust, rind', Tsezi q'^ul `bark', Bezhta q'eq'el-ba `birch bark', etc. < PEC *qwäiV`bark, crust' (NCED 931)

Basque *ma=kac, *ma=kec / *a=kac / *o=koc: (G) makatz `nick, scratch', (G) makets `deformed or defective thing', / (B, G) akats `cut, nick, notch, scratch; fault, defect' / (B) okotz `chin, snout' / (with reduplication) (AN) kokots `chin, nape', (BN) kokots, kokotz `chin', (L) kokots, kokotz `chin', (Z) kokots `chin' (BCR A.15, L.1); cf. Lezgi q'ac' `notch, nick', Khwarshi q'ac'a `slice (of bread)'; Rutul, Tsakhur q'ac' `chin'; Lak q'aC `bite, mouth'. etc. < PEC *qäd /*qäcü(NCED 907) Semantic changes (`cut' or `bite' > `notch, nick' or `mouth, chin') are parallel in Basque and NC. Glosses in Lezgian languages are 1 `bit, slice' (Tabasaran, Agul), 2 `notch, nick' (Lezgi), 3 `(biting part) > chin' (Rutul, Tsakhur).

Basque *ma=gal / *e=gal: (R, Sal) magal `wing' / (AN) egal`wing, fin', (BN, L) hegal, (Z) hégalid., (B) egal`loin, flank (of cow)' (BCR A.63); It has been suggested that an original Basque *e=gal `wing, fin, loin, flank' (corresponding to PEC *(y=)qU?i `elbow, arm, wing') later contaminated with the originally distinct *hega- `to fly' (BCR V.43) to produce the blended form hegal in northern Basque. cf. Lak qa `wing', Lezgi, Agul ml `hand', Archi xol id., Bezhta xaro `elbow', etc. < PEC *qtl?i `elbow, arm, wing' (NCED 895)

Turning now to North Caucasian, there are many cases in which fused or lexicalized class prefixes are attested in some languages, often with a different class prefix, or no prefix, in other languages:

Tsakhur wu(=)xun `belly', Rutul u(=)xun id.; Avar ma(=)xâ`abomasum' <*bV=xwVn (III-class prefix) / Lezgi ru(=)fun `belly' (IV-class prefix) Note that Lezgi retains the fossilized ru= (orig. IV-class prefix) even though the language (like Agul and Udi) has lost class or gender as a grammatical category./ (unprefixed) Agul fun, Dar- gwa k<sup>(w)</sup>ani `belly', etc. < PEC *Awtn?i (NCED 771)

Godoberi re(=)ml `leg', Botlikh re(=)Kil `thigh' (IV-class prefix) / (unprefixed) Tsakhur q:el `foot, leg', Rutul Kl id., etc. < PEC *Gëiu(NCED 455) “However, there are two possible reconstructions: a) the one proposed above -- in this case we must con-sider *r- in PA and PTs as a former class prefix (which raises some doubts); b) we can reconstruct *Gëlu(with *l) and a metathesized variant *lëGV> PA *rini-, PC *rixi- (with a rather frequent *-lV extension). At present it is hard to choose one of these solutions only” (NCED).

Avar mi(=)iir `wing' “The origin of the initial m(i)- is not clear (perhaps, analogy with names for body parts like mehéd"breast" etc.?)” (NCED)./ Andi Uru `feather, wing', Tsezi lel `wing', etc. < PEC *Aila `wing' (NCED 762)

PNC *bëmtV(<*b=ûwemtV)> Hunzib bdt'i `worm', Bezhta bet'e-la id., Lezgi büt'-rük `larva', Abkhaz a-mat `snake', etc. (NCED 290) / PNC *hwe(m)ti> Avar hut `worm', Bezhta hat'o-la, Lak yqt'i, etc. (NCED 535)

In the last set the opposition of Bezhta hat'o-la `worm, helminth' vs. bet'e-la `worm' is typologically parallel to the opposition of Basque (BN, L) helder `drool, saliva' vs. (G) bilder id. (see above). In each case the second word, with initial b-, incorporates the former class prefix. According to NCED there is a color adjective *hwVmtV `red' that is related to the two words for `worm', and there is a familiar pattern here too: Agul b(=)at'-ar- `beautiful, handsome', which incorporates the class prefix, vs. Khwarshi ut'ey `red', Dargwa hunt'-ena id., etc. (NCED 541). The semantic link of `red' ~ `beautiful' is common: cf. Czech krâsnÿ`beautiful' ~ Russian krasnyj `red'; Latin pulcher `beautiful' ~ Middle Irish erc `gay-colored, red', etc. (Buck 16.81); for `red' ~ `worm' cf. Old Church Slavic cruvïnü (cnvbnb) `red' <*cïrvï`worm'; French vermeil< Latin vermiculus `little worm' (Buck 15.66).

The morphological patterns described for Basque and North Caucasian, of bare noun stems alternating with (fused or lexicalized) class prefix + noun stem (e.g., Basque *kë / *e=kë `smoke'; PEC *AïwV/ *yïwAV <*y(ï)=AïwV`snow') are consistent with the Pre-Greek hypothesized by Beekes and others, in which noun stems with no initial vowel alternate with those with prothetic vowels (e.g., Greek koqiç`bedbug' / àêàð³ `mite'), and with the postulated “Early European Neolithic language” which shows a similar pattern, e.g., Latin merula `blackbird' <*mesl-/ Old High German amsala id. <*a-msl- (Iversen & Kroonen 2017: 517).

Ablaut: Beekes (49: 754) mentions another Pre-Greek feature in the remark that “I would rather think that koqlçis cognate [with àêàð³], as a substrate word, with prothetic vowel and à/î interchange.” Another example of à/î alternation may be found in the apparent derivatives of êà˲à, as reported by Hesychius: êàËèðð`hut, cabin' and KüAupoç `farmstead'. Beekes cites some other examples, e.g. êàð࣠`crafty, knavish' and êîðàêõðà`pieces of flattery, knavery' (both from Hesychius); AukO^oç`name of a poisonous plant' / Auko^oçid.

Ablaut, according to NCED, was a productive feature of Proto-North Caucasian, including an alternation of *o and *a, as in PNC *=hôçV/ *=MçV`full, to fill' (NCED 525), reflected in Proto-Nakh *=uç-`to be filled, satiated' / *=aç-i(n)`heavy' (> Chechen =üz-na `full' / =eza `heavy'). It has been proposed that there is a relic of this ablaut in the Basque adjective *oso `whole, complete' and the verb *ase `to be filled, satiated' (BCR R.65, V.66). It was also suggested that this *a/*o ablaut could account for some cases in which Basque has *a versus PNC *o, or vice-versa. Basque *gari/ *gal- `wheat' = PEC *Göl?e`wheat' (BCR O.1), beside Basque *gose `hunger, hungry' = PNC *gase `hunger' (BCR R.30); if so, this could reflect reorganizations of allomorphs, i.e. that Basque selected one allomorph (with either *a or *o) and PNC (or individual NC languages) selected another.