Также вероятно, что участие большего числа держав нарушает планы Китая в отношении региона: откупиться от стран АСЕАН, включая их в инициативу Один пояс один путь, ослабляя зависимость от китайских каналов торговли и помощи. Альтернативные партнеры торговли и помощи дают претендентам АСЕАН передышку. Тот факт, что большинство из этих партеров включены в другие китайские проекты и представляют собой конкурентов, а не противников, означает, что они избегают попадания в ловушки биполярной системы, где они должны были бы выбрать сферу влияния. Вместо этого страны АСЕАН могут свободно хеджировать между различными державами, открывая больше вариантов политики. Именно эта тенденция к хеджированию, особенно безопасному хеджированию, открыла дверь для многополярной системы.

Сложное экономическое переплетение региона находит отражение в паутине двусторонних, трехсторонних и четырехсторонних военных партнерств, и это ясно видно из эскалации стратегических партнерств между державами "четверки" и претендентами АСЕАН, а также из оборонительных шагов, предпринятых странами Четверки. Растущий объем сотрудничества в форме совместных учений, соглашений о посещении сил и дополнения вооружений создают прочные отношения. Тем не менее, продолжающийся отказ Индии в просьбе Австралии о присоединении к маневру Малабар говорит о том, что 1) Четверка проявляет осторожность в своих отношениях с Китаем и 2) Индо-Тихоокеанский регион по-прежнему в значительной степени ограничен двусторонним и трехсторонним уровнем, наряду с многосторонними институтами.

С точки зрения разрешения конфликтов и роли Четверки в конфликте в Южно-Китайском море идеальной ситуацией является использование выгодных позиций хеджирования: содействие хорошему экономическому сотрудничеству с Китаем, чтобы снизить напряженность, сохранить сильные военные партнерства, но дополнить его двусторонними переговорами с Китаем для создания политических результатов. Одна из самых больших проблем, лежащих в основе метода двусторонних переговоров, заключается в том, что Китай превосходит отдельных претендентов. Несмотря на то, что члены Четверки не присутствуют в ходе переговоров, сеть безопасности, формирующаяся в регионе, говорит об их присутствии. Играя в рамках китайских правил ведения переговоров и открывая себя для сотрудничества в других сферах, региональные державы, возможно, открывают для себя путь к сотрудничеству в Южно-Китайском море.

Подводя итоги, мы можем заключить, что в этой работе роль Индо-Тихоокеанского региона рассматривается как двусторонние, трехсторонние, четырехсторонние и многосторонние обязательства, связывающие предполагаемых участников. Спор в Южно-Китайском море создал пространство для формирования этих связей, помогая стимулировать экономическое, оборонное и политическое сотрудничество. В данной работе доказано, что эти связи существуют и имеют место наряду с развитием Южно-Китайского морского конфликта и развитием Индо-Тихоокеанского региона. Конфликт создал предпосылки для того, чтобы регион обрел форму, и, в свою очередь, регион оказал влияние на политическое развитие конфликта.

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170. Wan, William. "Chinese military denies damaging Vietnamese boat in clash." The Washington Post. 27 March 2013. https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/asia_pacific/chinese-military-denies-damaging-vietnamese-boat-in-clash/2013/03/27/152a70f6-96cf-11e2-814b-063623d80a60_story.html?utm_term=.c1c2710d7574.

171. Wong, Alex N. "Briefing on the Free and Open Indo-Pacific Strategy." US State Department. 2 April 2018. https://www.state.gov/r/pa/prs/ps/ 2018/04/280134.html

172. Wong, Edward. "Chinese Civilian Boats Roil Disputed Waters." The New York Times. 5 October 2010. https://www.nytimes.com/2010/10/06/ world/asia/06beijing.html.

173. Wong, Hiufu. "China to open disputed islands to tourism." CNN. 8 April 2013. https://edition.cnn.com/travel/article/china-island-tourism/index.html.

174. Zhen, Liu. "China, Philippines to set up negotiation mechanism to resolve South China Sea disputes." South China Morning Post. 21 October 2016. http://www.scmp.com/news/china/diplomacy-defence/article/2038993/china-philippines-agree-set-negotiation-mechanism

Источники экономических данных:

1. Australian Bureau of Statistics. http://www.abs.gov.au/

2. "Database Retrieval System." Pacific Exchange Rate Service. The University of British Columbia Sauder School of Business. http://fx.sauder.ubc.ca/data.html

3. Ministry of Finance, Japan. https://www.mof.go.jp/english/

4. US Census Bureau. https://www.census.gov/programs-surveys/economic-census.html

5. World Bank Group. http://www.worldbank.org/

Источники ивент-анализа и наблюдения:

1. The Australian

2. Borneo Bulletin. https://borneobulletin.com.bn/

3. Borneo Post. http://www.theborneopost.com/

4. CNBC. https://www.cnbc.com/world/?region=world

5. CNN. https://edition.cnn.com/

6. Defense News. https://www.defensenews.com/

7. The Diplomat. https://thediplomat.com/

8. The Economic Times. https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/

9. The Economist. https://www.economist.com/

10. The Hindu. http://www.thehindu.com/

11. The Hindustan Times. https://www.hindustantimes.com/

12. The India Express. http://indianexpress.com/

13. Inquirer. http://www.inquirer.net/

14. The Japan Times. https://www.japantimes.co.jp/

15. Jane's 360. http://www.janes.com/

16. The Maritime Executive. https://www.maritime-executive.com/

17. Nikkei Asian Review. https://asia.nikkei.com/

18. Philstar. https://www.philstar.com/

19. Rappler. https://www.rappler.com/

20. Reuters. https://www.reuters.com/

21. The Star. https://www.thestar.com.my/

22. The Straits Times. https://www.straitstimes.com/global

23. Viet Nam News. http://vietnamnews.vn/

24. Voice of America. https://www.voanews.com

25. The Wall Street Journal. https://www.wsj.com/.

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