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Comparison between Russian and British Politics: Has British Politics Become More Virtual?
Comparison between Russian and British Politics: Has British Politics Become More Virtual?
The thesis assumes that there is an ideological dimension to virtual politics. The Andrew Wilson’s concept of virtual politics. Virtual Politics: Definition, Origin and Evolution. Political Technology and Protest. Populist Nationalism and Dramaturgiiya.
| Рубрика | Политология |
| Вид | дипломная работа |
| Язык | английский |
| Дата добавления | 18.07.2020 |
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Boris Johnson's campaign conformed to the general pattern described in this thesis. In fact, his main slogan, `Get Brexit Done', also designed by Cummings, reflects how closely aligned his leadership campaign was with the Brexit vote in 2016. In this regard, he fed off the same ideological reasons outlined from the Vote Leave campaign. The slogan was `repeated on every billboard, pamphlet and doorstep during the campaign' and was also accompanied with the words, `and unleash Britain's potential', offering the typical promise of regeneration (Perrigo, 2019). The slogan directly relates to the view that internal enemies had appeared since the referendum result to impede the will of the people. This was a reference to Theresa May's previous government, whose EU withdrawal act had been repeatedly blocked by parliament, leaving her unable to deliver on the referendum result and the will of `the people' (Sabbagh, 2019). This led Johnson to run an explicit `people vs parliament' election campaign (Parker & Hughes, 2019). This depicted parliament's rejection of the specific and controversial terms of May's deal as an obstruction to producing the will of `the people'.
The campaign was also characterised by an astonishingly loose relationship with the truth. Johnson promised the construction of forty new hospitals and an increase in nursing and police staff - all of which was demonstrably untrue (Younge, 2019). For example, the funding he set aside for the forty new hospitals could only afford to build six (Boseley, 2019). He also claimed the opposition leader, Jeremy Corbyn, intended to disband the army and ban MI5, which was again, without evidence (Younge, 2019).
These were among other unashamed efforts to deceive the public. Two other indicative examples from the campaign include; the rebranding of the conservative party official twitter account as a fact checking service during a TV debate among party leaders (Perraudin, 2019) and doctoring a video of Labour politician Keir Starmer to make him appear unable to answer a simple question about the Labour party's Brexit position (Waterson & Syal, 2019). Johnson also refused to subject himself to the standard forms of media scrutiny; rejecting prominent TV interviews (BBC, 2019c), hiding from journalists in a fridge (Stewart & Mohdin, 2019) and even grabbing an interviewer's phone to avoid questioning (ITV, 2019). It seems that the combination of populist nationalist ideology, identifying internal impediments to the will of the people, and, an industrial scale of political deception proved to be a very successful combination in the 2019 General Election campaign.
Brexit Party
Another noticeable aspect of the campaign was the curious role of the newly established `Brexit Party', led by Nigel Farage. They had only been formed in 2019 and had strong links with the Conservative party. Seven days prior to the election three Brexit party MEPs left Farage's party to support the Conservative's election campaign, including Annunziata Rees-Mogg, the sister of Conservative MP and Commons leader Jacob Rees-Mogg (Proctor & Perraudin, 2019). The party had a meteoric rise and differed from traditional parties, existing mostly online and effectively using social media to directly communicate with their followers (Loucaides, 2019a).
Despite not taking a seat in the 2019 General Election they proved instrumental in the Conservative success by making the prudent move to stand down their candidates in all 317 seats already held by Conservative MPs (Loucaides, 2019b). The decision was taken due to a worry among Eurosceptics that the existence of two pro-Brexit parties competing in the same seats would split the vote and allow Labour, who were in favour of a second referendum, to gain from any votes which the Conservatives lost to the Brexit Party. The Brexit Party, resultantly, only contested Labour MPs with the aim of taking away pro-Brexit Labour voters, opening the chance for the Conservatives to gain new Labour seats. The effect on the election outcome has been described as `monumental'(ibid.). The Brexit Party's decision to only contest Labour MPs allowed the Conservatives to gain Labour seats with relatively modest swings (from Labour to Conservative), as in some places the Brexit Party `got swings of more than 10%' (from Labour to Brexit Party) (ibid.).
While the Brexit Party was clearly not created or funded to work for the government, it served the same purpose as one of Surkov's puppet parties in Russia. There was still a level of collusion among the pro-Brexit parties, which resulted in splitting the opposition's vote and aided the government's election campaign significantly. The fact the Brexit Party took no seats of their own and only worked to absorb Labour votes demonstrates that their sole function was to support the Conservative party campaign. In a fairer election, the Brexit Party would have stood in Conservative seats as well.
Government Sources
As already mentioned, since coming to power there is a limited amount of material to analyse on Johnson's new government. However, one development which this thesis would like to draw attention to, is the relationship the new government has with the media. Boris Johnson's press secretary Robert Oxley, the Prime Minister's Official Spokesperson James Slack, and Dominic Cummings have provided certain loyal journalists exclusive access to cite; “Number 10 sources”, “Government sources” and the “Prime Minister's official spokesman” - in order to `push out the latest propaganda line' (Cohen, 2019). An example of this was the headline on the front page of The Mail on Sunday on 29 September: `Number 10 probes Remain MPs “foreign collusion”' (Oborne, 2019). In the article according to a “senior No 10 source”, the government was working on `extensive investigations into Dominic Grieve, Oliver Letwin and Hilary Benn [who had tabled a Bill to block Britain exiting the EU without a deal] and their involvement with foreign powers and the funding of their activities. Governments have proper rules for drafting legislation, but nobody knows what organisations are pulling these strings' (ibid.).
The story received a lot of publication and the following day was adopted by other leading papers such as, The Daily Express, The Sun and The Times (ibid.). When Peter Oborne, a British journalist, contacted Dominic Grieve, one of the accused politicians and a Cabinet Office spokesperson to ask if there was an investigation underway, they both replied there was not. After it was revealed that there was in fact no investigation, The Mail on Sunday refused to retract the headline, citing `two separate sources in Downing Street' as the legitimate origin of the story. This pattern, in which an unnamed `government source' provides an `inside' story for a leading paper or News channel, has been a regular occurrence since Johnson came to power (ibid.).
In 2005, Andrew Wilson described a technique used by Russian political technologists called Kachka (`toss') (Wilson, 2005, p.2005). The method is to throw out `news' stories which the `mainstream media then quotes' (ibid.). The purpose of this is to control the public's perception of political reality. It is particularly effective, because it does not explicitly or immediately reveal a link between political technologists and the virtual story, endowing the artificial story with the appearance of reality. This last example brings together the core elements of the argument proposed in this thesis - that British politics has become more virtual. The use of a deceptive technique to plant a populist nationalist message, that the country is under threat from both internal and external enemies, is now reinforced by government apparatus in the form of unnamed `Downing Street Sources' to add legitimacy to the virtual story.
Conclusion
The thesis set out with the objective of establishing an explanatory framework which can accommodate populist nationalist ideology into the description of Russian politics as virtual. This was underpinned by an observation, in which a pattern seemed to emerge, whereby, populist nationalist governments and parties also demonstrated a propensity towards political deception. It has hoped to demonstrate that the ideology of populist nationalism lends itself to distortion and manipulation because the principles behind nationalism and national identity are themselves constructed. This provides greater scope for invention and an artificial presentation of the nation's interests, as no referent truth of what the nation or the people are supposed to be like exists.
In populist nationalism, this deception often manifests itself in Schmitt's friend enemy distinction by the invention of imaginary enemies. In doing so, populist nationalist governments are able to create an artificial sense of unity, which is especially effective in countries with an unclear sense of national identity. In Russia, this convergence between ideology and deception was most evident in the dramaturgiiya created by political technologists to produce a `script that everybody had to follow' in order to keep `elites and masses aligned' and `ensure `organised victory… at election time' (Wilson, 2014, p.21).
After the relationship between ideology and virtual politics had been established, it opened up the possibility to compare British and Russian politics. This is because the comparison was premised on the combination of populist nationalist ideology and political deception, which has contaminated British politics since the Brexit referendum campaign. In particular; the invention of a phoney enemy in the EU, faking the role of `the people' and indulging in unattainable nostalgia. This has all been without regard for the real needs and problems facing the country. Moreover, there has been an astonishing drop in the standards of political communication in the country, whereby misinformation has become rife, media scrutiny optional and blatant deception normalised. The final point which suggests this may be an enduring condition in British politics was the instalment of the manipulators into Government, following Johnson's election victory in December 2019. As long as the manipulators had only operated from the opposition, they could have been said to be influential but not indicative of British politics entirely. In Government, they now represent the interests and ideals of British politics.
At the time of writing, Britain under the Johnson government has suffered one of the highest death tolls and death rates in Europe due to the coronavirus pandemic (Statista, 2020). The government is already being accused of incompetence and a lack of transparency on Britain's preparedness for the crisis (Sridhar, 2020). Journalist Finatan O'Toole has even suggested Britain's hesitation to enter into a lock down, while they watched neighbouring European countries become overwhelmed by the crisis, reflects the current strength and acceptance of British exceptionalism (O'Toole, 2020).
The virus has highlighted the need for global cooperation and collaboration. It is by no means the only contemporary threat that will require high levels of international coordination. The issues of climate change, cyberattacks, international terrorism and disease are all real and cannot be tackled alone. Only time will tell how far Britain has fallen into the virtual world of exceptionalism, nostalgia, European enemies and internal fifth columns, and it remains to be seen whether this will yield any solutions to contemporary global threats. This thesis has, however, hoped to provide a framework of analysis which may prove useful for interpreting the British government's response to any future challenges.
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