American exceptionalism and its impact on presidents’ foreign policy

A characteristic unique to the United States,--indeed, another indicator of exceptionalism--this new fusion of religion and Enlightenment thought continues to shape political decisions today. Curiously, this aversion combined with Lockean ideology to form the social core of the United States:

America is a nation powerfully influenced by Christianity, both in its legal institutions and its political ethos. And as many founding fathers hoped, in the free marketplace of religious competition, America might someday become a nation of more rather than fewer Christians. Ibid., 86.

Heclo's study helps to clarify some questions about the Christianity of the United States and provides some hope for American religion, but it also definitively establishes that this is a difficult question to answer in 2012. Particularly because evangelical Christians believe that redeemed actions must follow a person's labeling of himself as a believer in Christ, the U.S.'s waffling between openly religious and increasingly anti-religious cannot definitively give credence to the label of “Christian nation.”

Unsurprisingly, authors disagree about the particulars of American Christianity, but there is some consensus: this hybrid of religion and political ethos is unique. The uniqueness actually stems somewhat from the Founders' attempt to deinstitutionalize religion, which has both propelled and plagued American interactions ever since. Religion can be neither specifically endorsed nor ignored in the American public square, and the result has been a strange and unconvincing tossing to and fro in mandates and jurisprudence.

Though we cannot establish whether or not the United States is a Christian nation, it is safe to say it was founded upon a moralistic worldview. Still, the institutions created by the Founding Fathers and perpetuated today are expressions of the unique character of the United States. I contend this was the work of God, not chance.

8.2 Undeserved Exceptionalism

I believe the United States is a very special nation and even the best in the world, but this is not due to any particular goodness on the part of American citizens. Unlike Romney and Bush, I am unwilling to say that Americans are inherently good or more moral than other people on earth. All people have fallen short of the glory of God (Romans 3:23), and an American can no more expect God to pardon his sins because of his zip code than can a Kenyan or Australian. Neither can we assume God will bless us because of our obedience, for we are neither obedient nor good. The economic prosperity, military dominance, relative safety, and unrivaled power of the United States are not a result of our good actions. No, God has abundantly blessed the United States despite ourselves. More importantly, in his blessing, God has allowed us to glorify him.

The institutional and cultural fabric of the United States, made up of the rule of law, freedom with responsibility, and the implicit acknowledgement of traditional morals, is the best kind of fabric because it allows for obedience to God's laws. I certainly will not go so far as to say that God is “on our side,” but this is the strongest argument for the success of the United States: Obeying God's law--even implicitly--allows human flourishing like no other rule for life.

In light of my view, the United States is on the proper path. Since I am a traditionalist with inceptional and national emphases, I do not believe the United States can lose its exceptionality. What the Puritans and Founding Fathers did at the beginning of this nation cannot be undone, and we are better off for that fact. The belief in American exceptionalism does wax and wane, however, and I believe it is better that people do believe in it.

Therefore, I recommend a foreign policy informed by a true belief in the exceptionalism of the United States and in the honest appraisal of our blessedness as a result of God's providence over our moral foundations. This foreign policy will strengthen the position of the United States in the world. Our foreign policy should be a steadfastly American-preserving one that never puts the United States on equal or lesser ground than any other nation.

Holding to some of the inceptional tenets, I acknowledge that no other nation will ever be exactly like the United States, but I do think because of our beneficial institutions and values, we have something good to offer the world. We must not be heavy-handed in promoting our values, but I believe we do have a responsibility to help other nations adopt the values of the United States if they desire them. We also have a responsibility to stamp out evil in the world for our own security and for the moral integrity of the world. In promoting the good policies of the United States, we have ground to act (unilaterally if necessary) for the freedom and flourishing of another nation and to hold other nations accountable for their misdeeds. (After all, without a standard, how could we call another nation's action “wrong”?)

Ultimately, the United States must acknowledge and promote its good without taking the final credit for its success. Any flourishing we have experienced is the work of God in allowing us to put beneficial policies in place which allow us to obey him. We must work to hold onto our traditional values and spread them to other nations so they too may experience flourishing in the allowance of their peoples to worship God.



9. Conclusion

The link between a person's view of American exceptionalism and foreign policy is no small matter. The ability to predict a president's foreign policy based on his view of exceptionalism is an important one, and this study shows it is not altogether outside the realm of possibility.

Areas for further research include a study of the strength of the link between American exceptionalism views and foreign policy views. Undoubtedly there are interfering factors, so how closely can one predict foreign policy based on a stated perception of the United States? Another question arising from my study of American exceptionalism is the extent to which campaign speeches and presidential rhetoric are similar. Do candidates often portray a different foreign policy on the campaign trail than in the White House? In the same vein, does presidential rhetoric change over time? Did George W. Bush, for example, change his tune during his eight years in the White House? A slightly different tack questions how much a President might be anxious to soften his view of American exceptionalism while giving foreign speeches as opposed to domestic ones. Does Obama, for example, portray the United States differently while he is abroad than when he is home? Which is his true perception of the greatness of the United States? Perhaps the most interesting question this study raises is this: Why do politicians talk about the United States as “better” while scholars talk mostly about how it is “different”? The answer could alleviate some of the discrepancy surrounding the use of the term “American exceptionalism” in the first place. It may also shed some light on the ethos of politicos and writers in their respective, though not exclusive, groups.

These and many other questions have accompanied my study and made me wonder about the closeness of the link between American exceptionalism and foreign policy. This link is not only important for general knowledge and understanding of a particular president's view and treatment of the United States, but also for the benefit of American voters. Acknowledging a particular candidate's foreign and domestic policy positions in light of his view of American exceptionalism allows a voter to choose carefully with a broader picture of each candidate due to the wide influence of American exceptionalism. This cannot be overstated. Exceptionalism allows one to look at one's country and determine how to respond and interact with other countries because of the nature of one's own. It also informs domestic policy based on whether the current situation of the country is seen as good or bad. Voters who are able to know candidates' views on American exceptionalism can better predict the kinds of policies they will support at home and abroad. Moreover, acknowledgment that the policies and traditions uniquely held by the United States of America are the most conducive to righteous behavior could bolster the case for American exceptionalism. It should also remind us all to thank God for his gracious providence at play long before the Constitution was written.

With the ability to influence voters and the power of predictive value between a particular view of American exceptionalism and a foreign policy position, a strong and demonstrable link between American exceptionalism and foreign policy would be a crucial finding in the scope of American politics.



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