Modern English Grammar

Linguistic studies of Modern English structure made by Soviet scholars contain most valuable information about the language as system and have notable merits in the grammatical theory making its study more illuminating and contributing to a scientific understanding of language development. Such are, for instance, the monographs and books edited in this country in 50-60-ies by V. N. Yartseva, A. I. Smirnitsky, O. S. Akhmanova, Y. N. Vorontsova, B. A. Ilyish, N. N. Amosova, I. P. Ivanova, I. V. Arnold and others.

Most perceptive and useful treatments coordinating and deepening the grasp of the language will be found in V. N. Yartseva's monographs and scholarly accounts made at a special academic level, with much new insight on the subject in the light of modern linguistics.

A valuable source of significant information revealing important aspects of language in discussion of syntax and morphology will be found in well known A. I. Smirnitsky's grammar books.

A major stimulus to intensive studies of the theory of English structure in Soviet linguistics was the research of our scholars in recent times. This has brought new accomplishments in modern grammatical theory which are original, significant and practical. Investigations of recent years gain an important insight into the structural methods of linguistic analysis, syntactic description, in particular. Such are the grammar books edited by O. S. Akhmanova, V. N. Yartseva, L. Barkhudarov, L. L. Iofik, Y. O. Zhluktenko, G. G. Pocheptsov and others.

Current work in grammar attempts to provide the insight into semantic aspects of syntax, the processes of sentence formation and their interpretation, the processes that underlie the actual use of language.

Investigations of Soviet scholars throw much additional light on numerous aspects of language encouraging fresh attempts not only in the theory of English structure but also comparative studies of grammar (V. N. Yartseva, Y. O. Zhluktenko).

The structural procedures of modern descriptive theory are widely used by Soviet linguists to identify the nature of some linguistic facts of different levels of the language.

Important observations are presented in A. Korsakov's book where we find the description of the system of the English verb, revealing to the student the way in which the language actually works. The book is not only intended to show the student how the English tenses are actually used. It is also helpful as an introduction of some methods and ways of linguistic analysis.

Various aspects of grammar have been described in a considerable number of dissertations defended in this country on specialised topics, such as semantic aspects of syntax, the grammar of English nominalisations, synonymic correlation of linguistic units, comparative study of languages, etc. to which we turn the attention of the student with suggestions for further reading.

Grammar in Its Relation to Other Levels of Linguistic Structure

Interactions between grammar and other levels of linguistic structure are of the essence of language and probably the most significant point to notice in studying the structure of a language in general.

Language as system consists of several subsystems all based on oppositions, differences, samenesses and positional values.

The grammatical system breaks up into its subsystems owing to its relations with vocabulary and the unity of lexical meaning of the words of each group. Grammar and vocabulary are organically related and interdependent but they do not lie on one plane. As a bilateral unity of form and content the grammar of any language always retains the categories underlying its system.

Numberless examples in different languages show that grammar is not indifferent to the concrete lexical meaning of words and their capacity to combine with one another in certain patterns. The use of some grammatical rules is well known to be lexically restricted.

The statement about abstraction and generalisation in grammar should not thus be understood as formal mechanical separation of the "general" facts from the "special" ones.

It is not always easy to draw precise boundaries between the two branches of learning.

Sometimes the subject matter becomes ambiguous just at the borderline.

Internal relations of elements are of the essence of language as systems at all levels. The functions of every linguistic element and abstraction depend on its relative place therein. This is, in fact, one of the fundamental features of language. And this is the starting point of the treatment of grammar in the present book. Grammatical phenomena can and should be considered from various (often supplementary) points of view. With this approach to linguistic facts problems of grammar in our day have taken on new vitality and interest.

The linguistic features of grammar and vocabulary make it abundantly clear that the two branches of learning are organically related to each other. No part of grammar can be adequately described without reference to vocabulary. With all this, linguistic students should understand what separates grammar from vocabulary, wherein lie the peculiarities of each of the two levels and their relationship in general. To ignore this is to ignore the dialectical nature of language.

That grammar and vocabulary are organically related to each other may be well illustrated by the development of analytical forms which are known to have originated from free syntactic groups. These consist of at least two words but actually constitute one sense-unit. Only one of the elements has lexical meaning, the second has none, and being an auxiliary word possesses only grammatical meaning.

Not less characteristic are periphrastic grammatical forms of the verb, such as, for instance, the going to-future or, say, patterns with the verb to get + participle II established by long use in the language

to indicate voice distinctions. Verb-phrases of analytical structure denoting the aspective character of the action, such as: used to + V_inf, would + V_inf, come to + V_inf, take to + V_ing, fall + prp + V_ing, have + nomen acti, etc.

The constant reciprocal action between vocabulary and grammar makes itself quite evident in contextual restrictions of word-meanings. Examples are not far to seek.

The verb to mean + V_inf means "to intend", to mean + V_ing means "to signify", "to have as a consequence", "to result in something". Compare the following:

He had never really meant to write that letter > He had never intended to write that letter.

This meant changing all my plans > This resulted in changing all my plans.

To remember + V_ing refers to the past and means "not to need to be reminded", to remember + V_inf refers to the future and means "not to omit to do something". Cf.: I remember doing so. Remember to go to the post-office.

To try takes a gerund when it means "to make an experiment"; when followed by an infinitive it means "to make an attempt to do something", e. g.: She tried for a time helping us in music but found it was not a success. Try to keep perfectly still for a moment.

The construction verb + V_ing can also be compared with one consisting of a verb + adverbial infinitive, e. g.: The horse stopped to drink. The horse stopped drinking.

Further examples of the so-called "grammatical context" which operates to convey the necessary meaning will be found in cases when, for instance, the passive form of the verb gives a clue concerning its particular lexical meaning. To give examples. The verb to succeed, as registered in dictionaries, can mean: 1) слідувати за чимсь або кимсь, бути наступником, змінювати щось; 2) мати успіх, досягати мети, встигати.

As is known, the passive form of this verb excludes the second range of its meanings.

Not less characteristic is the use of the verb to make; its passive forms, for instance, are incompatible with such lexical meanings as given below:

The moment I greeted her she made to turn back.

She rose abruptly and made to quit the room, but Andrew stopped her before she reached the door. (Cronin)

The use of the passive form would signal the causative meaning «заставити», «примусити», e. g.: She was made to quit the room.

Compare also the meaning of the verb to treat in the following sentences:

He treated my words as a joke. The book treats of poetry. They treated us to sweet wine. He is treating my son cruelly.

In homonymic patterns the meaning of the verb is generally defined by the immediate lexical context, which is always explicit enough to make the meaning clear. Compare the following:

She made a good report. She made a good wife.

He called his sister a heroine. He called his sister a taxi.

Variation in lexical environment may change the meaning of a grammatical form, and the use of a grammatical form may, in its turn, change the lexical meaning of the word involved. Examples are not far to seek. The organic interrelation between grammar and vocabulary merits at this point special consideration.

In the "activo-passive" use of verbs, for instance, the medial meaning is generally signalled by the lexical meaning of the subject. Examples are numerous:

(a) But it occurred to her, as her dance-list was filling up, that there was not much left for Mr. Cowperwood, if he should care to dance with her. (Dreiser)

(was filling up = was being filled up)

(b) When the storm stopped the fields were white over, the sky a milk blue, low and still threatening. But the snowcovered fields, in spite his shivering, felt good to be in. (Sillitoe)

(felt good=were felt)

(c) This play reads better than it acts (= This play should be read rather than acted).

Grammatical forms must be studied in all the variety of their distribution in actual speech. Contexts have a way of making a grammatical form convey different structural meanings including sometimes the exact opposite of what is ordinarily intended.

The organic interrelation between grammar and vocabulary becomes most evident when we carry our attention to transpositions of grammatical forms, their functional re-evaluation in different contexts and to semantic aspects of syntax.

The constant reciprocal action of vocabulary and grammar will be well exemplified by various processes of word-formation, such as compounding, conversion, derivation and others.

Evidence to prove the interrelation between grammar and vocabulary will readily be seen in the history of so-called function words, e. g.: prepositions and conjunctions which have come from the notional parts of speech:

provided a) past participle from the verb to provide b) conjunction

regarding a) present participle from the verb to regard b) preposition

owing a) present participle from to owe b) preposition

failing a) present participle from to fail b) preposition

The same is true of such formations in other languages. Cf. Russian and Ukrainian:

относительно а) предлог відносно а) прийменник

б) наречие б) прислівник

не смотря 1 а) деепричастие не зважаючи а) дієприслівник

(несмотря)} б) предлог (незважаючи)) б) прийменник

French: vu a) participe passe

b) preposition pendant)

durant a) participe present

touchant b) preposition

German:

a) Partizip II ausgenommen

b) position Zeit (zeit)

1 a) Substantiv Kraft (kraft) /

b) Praposition

That grammar should be viewed in relation to other parts of linguistic learning, such as phonetics and style, is also obvious.

The phonetic interpretation of the linguistic material is of undoubted interest in modern grammar learning. Modulation features, intonation and stress are well known to effect both morphology and syntax. Patterns of grammatical arrangement may be structurally ambiguous or at least potentially so. In speech however, there are prosodic patterns which clearly distinguish the various types of construction. This is an area of English grammar where much remains to be done before a complete description is available.

Changes in the intonation pattern, for instance, can change the functional sentence perspective, the interpretation of the whole utterance, say, from a statement to a question, from a positive to a negative sense, from interrogative to exclamatory, etc., e. g.:

Fleur darted after him.

"He gives me up? You mean that? Father!" (Galsworthy)

Instinctively they both took cigarettes, and lighted each others. Then Michael said: "Fleur, knows?" (Galsworthy)

"Did you hear it! That boy of hers is away to London again".

The sentence-final contours are used in speech to signal the sentence divisions within an utterance composed of more than one sentence. In "nexus of deprecation", for instance, the connection between two members of an ordinary affirmative sentence may be brushed aside as impossible by intonation which is the same as in questions, often in an exaggerated form or not infrequently given to the two members separately, e. g.:

We surrender? Never!

I catch cold! No fear.

The interrogative form of exclamatory sentences in such patterns make them most colourful and expressive.

"You,-- I said,-- a favourite with Mr. Rocherster? You gifted with the power of pleasing him? You of importance to him in any way? Go; Your folly sickens me" (Bronte).

Further examples to show the relation of phonetics to grammar are not far to seek. We may take, for instance, word-making through the so-called "morphological" or "semantic" stress. A fair number of nouns (Romanic in origin) are distinguished from the corresponding verbs only by the position of the accent, the noun being accented on the first syllable and the verb on the second, e. g. 'present--to pre'sent, 'export-to ex'port, 'conduct -- to con'duct, etc.

Structural ambiguity in homonymic patterns on the syntactic level is very often resolved by the intonation patterns.

In written English, for instance, because of the lack of stress the use of some words results in ambiguity. By way of illustration:

He talked with a pretty French accent -- with the stress on French the word pretty is used adverbially and means in or to some degree; when pretty is stressed it is used attributively and means good, fine.

Examine also the difference in grammar between:

What did you bring the parcel in? Why did you bring the parcel in? Are you going to be doing it? How long are you going to be doing it?

Features of stress and juncture are well known to effect various kind of modification structures, e. g. the phrase old men and women, for instance, could be divided into immediate constituents in either of two ways, depending on whether old is referred to both the men and the women or just the men. In speech the difference would normally be conveyed by the corresponding stress and juncture.

It will probably be helpful if at this point we take the example given by A. Hill in his Introduction to Linguistic Structures to show the importance of modulation features in downgraded sentences with piled up verb-forms:

What the house John had had had had, had had its importance.

Since the writing system does not indicate the superfixes accurately and they are therefore puzzles for the reader who has to sort them out, sentences of this sort are usually avoided in written composition. It is possible, for instance, to construct a sentence which is a real problem when read, but is plain enough when pronounced. The sentence is a freak in writing, which no writer in his senses would use. Spoken, it is only mildly queer, and is at least intelligible. Even though these sentences are understandably rare in writing, the reader should not suppose that they are either uncommon or unnatural in speech ¹.

Patterns of stress sometimes show the structural meaning unambiguously in the spoken language where without the help of context it would be ambiguous in the written. Examples follow.

When I have instructions to leave is equivalent in meaning to I have instructions that I am to leave this place, dominant stress is ordinarily on leave. When the same sequence is equivalent in meaning to I have instructions which I am to leave, dominant stress is ordinarily on instructions.

PROBLEMS OF FIELD STRUCTURE

The problem of the interrelation between grammar and vocabulary is most complex.

If the question arises about the relationship between grammar and vocabulary we generally think of grammar as a closed system, i. e. consisting of a limited number of elements making up this system. The grammatical system of a language falls into subsystems, such as for instance, parts of speech, conjugated verb-forms, prepositions, affixes, etc., in other words, the classes of linguistic units whose exhaustive inventory can be made up as a whole.

Vocabulary on the contrary is not so closed in its character.

When we say that grammar is a closed system, we do not certainly mean that grammar is separated from vocabulary. On the contrary, the grammatical system breaks up into subsystems just owing to its relations with vocabulary, and the unity of lexico-semantic groups is supported by the unity of grammatical forms and meaning of the words of each group. Grammar and vocabulary are organically related and interdependent but they do not lie on one plane. As a bilateral unity of form and content grammar always retains the categories underlying its system.

In actual speech linguistic units of different levels come to correlate as similar in function.

The study of the ways in which languages manage to provide different devices to express a given communicative meaning is one of the most fruitful directions of research receiving increasing attention in modern linguistics. It is on this level of linguistic analysis that we coordinate and deepen our grasp of the language as system. What is expressed by morphological forms may find its expression in lexical devices, or, say, in syntactic structures.

Such is the grammatical treatment of the category of modality in the Russian language made by V. V. Vinogradov who identifies modality as a linguistic category expressed by syntactic, morphological and lexical means ¹.

Correlation in occurrence of different linguistic units in one semantic field makes it possible to suggest that there are certain regularities of their functioning in language activity.

It will be emphasised, in passing, that different linguistic units expressing a common meaning are not quite identical in their semantic value and do not go absolutely parallel in language activity. They rather complete each other.

The concept of field structure in grammar is not something quite novel in linguistic studies.

The eminent historian of the French language F. Brunot proposed in his time to teach French grammar by starting from within, from the thoughts to be expressed, instead of from the forms ¹.

Related to this is Сh. Ваllу's concept with emphasis laid on the logical categories and extra-linguistic relations involved in his observations ².

L.V. Scerba showed a better judgement making distinction between the two aspects of studying syntax: passive and active. The starting point of the former is the form of the word and its meaning. Language is thus studied from within as system. The concept of the active aspect is essentially different.

Identifying notional categories I.I. Meshchaninov lays special emphasis on their linguistic nature which should never be lost sight of³.

In his philosophical discussion of notional categories O. Jespersen first recognises that beside the syntactic categories which depend on the structure of each language as it is actually found, there are some extralingual categories which are independent of the more or less accidental facts of existing languages; they are universal in so far as they are applicable to all languages, though rarely expressed in them in a clear and unmistakable way. But then he goes on to say, that some of them relate to such facts of the world without as sex, others to mental states or to logic, but for want of a better common name for these extralingual categories he uses the adjective notional and the substantive notion.

In other departments it is impossible to formulate two sets of terms, one for the world of reality or universal logic, and one for the world of grammar, and O. Jespersen is thus led to recognise that the two worlds should always be kept apart ⁴.

In finding out what categories to recognise as notional, O. Jespersen points out that these are to have a linguistic significance.

O. Jespersen develops this idea further. The specimens of his treatment given in the Philosophy of Grammar present a preliminary sketch of a notional comparative grammar, starting from С (notion or inner meaning) and examining how each of the fundamental ideas common to all mankind is expressed in various languages, thus proceeding through В (function) to A (form).

Linguistic observations in terms of field structure are of undoubted theoretical interest and have a practical value as relevant to comparative studies of various languages.

Important treatments of the field-theory have been made by A. V. Воndarkо in his studies of the Russian language.

The starting point of his analysis is the principle from meaning to form. Due attention is drawn to functional transpositions of verb-forms and suspension of oppositions in different syntactic environments.

Problems of field-structure in German are discussed in E. V. Guliga, E. I. Shendels'¹ work where we also find acute observations valid for further development of the theory of language.

All the linguistic units functioning in a language to express a given categorial meaning make up the functional semantic field of this category. The morphological devices are naturally primary in importance and make up its highly organised nucleus. All the other constituents are peripheral elements which may be used for different notional purposes, such as: intensity or emphasis of a given meaning, expressive connotation, weakening of meaning, making a given meaning more concrete and more precise, or expressing a new meaning.

The functional-semantic field falls at least into two categories which stand in contrast. Thus, for instance, the time-field in English falls into three "microfields": Present, Past and Future.

The voice-field in Modern English falls into Active and Passive (a binary opposition).

The field of number falls into two microfields: Singular -- Plural (oneness -- plurality).

In Modern English plurality may be expressed, for instance, by:

plural forms of nouns;

singular forms of nouns in transposition (implied plurality);

inflectional forms of verbs (very few in number);

personal and demonstrative pronouns;

pronouns of unspecified quantity;

numerals;

collective nouns and nouns of multitude, e. g.: mankind, peasantry, yeomanry, gentry, crowd, host, etc. or, say, such words as developed a collective signification by metonymy, e. g.: all the world -- all the men, the sex -- women, the bench -- the officials;

standardised paired noun-phrases, e. g.: day after day, year after year, question on question, country on country, etc.

It is to be noted at this point that in patterns with "implied" (covert) plurality distinction must be made between:

the use of some common nouns in the singular with the implication of plurality, as in to have a keen eye, to keep in hand; trees in leaf, etc.

the use of the pronoun one with reference to:

several unknown individuals or people in general, e. g.: One should always do one's duty.

several known individuals including the speaker, e. g.:

He asked me to review his new novel. Of course one did not like to refuse, but...

Syntactic devices are generally most expressive, they intensify the meaning of plurality and as such are often used for stylistic purposes. A few typical examples are:

Mile on mile, without an end, the low grey streets stretched towards the ultimate deserted grass. (Galsworthy)

Sea on sea, country on country, millions on millions of people, all with their own lives, energies, joys, griefs, and suffering -- all with things they had to give up, and separate struggles for existence. (Galsworthy)

The invariant meaning of any given category finds its most "specialised" expression in the morphological category. A study of linguistic signs in their interrelationship and interdependence leads to significantly increased knowledge of language. A special interest attaches to the correlation between meanings expressed by grammatical forms and those expressed by lexico-grammatical devices to which in our description we shall repeatedly draw the attention of the student.

All these means denoting plurality are essentially different in their linguistic status. Without any frequency counts we may say that some of them are fairly common in every day use, others are used occasionally, according to circumstances. Morphological means to express plurality stand at the centre of this field and are primary in importance, all the rest are its peripheral elements used for different notional purposes. Pronouns and numerals, for instance, as noun determiners or its substitutes, make the quantitative meaning more concrete.

Collective nouns denote at the same time singular and plural, i. e. a collection of individuals which are viewed as a unit. Many words which do not themselves denote a plurality of individuals acquire the meaning of a collective in certain contexts, as when, for instance, the bench is used of a body of judges, a town or village in the meaning of its inhabitants.

FUNCTIONAL RE-EVALUATION OF GRAMMATICAL FORMS IN CONTEXT

POTENTIAL POLYSEMY IN GRAMMAR

The problem of potential polysemy in grammar is one of the most important, the one which is very complex and seems to be relevant to a number of aspects.

All languages seem to have polysemy on several levels. Like words which are often signs not of one but of several things, a single grammatical form can also be made to express a whole variety of structural meanings. This appears to be natural and is a fairly common development in the structure of any language. The linguistic mechanism works naturally in many ways to prevent ambiguity in patterns of grammatical structure. Orientation towards the context will generally show which of all the possible meanings is to be attached to a polysemantic grammatical form.

It is sometimes maintained that in case of grammatical polysemy we observe various structural meanings inherent in the given form, one of them being always invariable, i. e. found in any possible context of the use of the form. And then, if this invariable structural meaning cannot be traced in different uses of the given form, we have homonymy. In point of fact, this angle of view does not seem erroneous.

Functional re-evaluation of grammatical forms is a source of constant linguistic interest. We may say with little fear of exaggeration that whatever may be the other problems of grammar learning the polysemantic character of grammatical forms is always primary in importance.

Most grammatical forms are polysemantic. On this level of linguistic analysis distinction should be made between synchronic and potential polysemy. Thus, for instance, the primary denotative meaning of the Present Continuous is characterised by three semantic elements (semes): a) present time, b) something progressive, c) contact with the moment of speech. The three semes make up its synchronic polysemy.

By potential polysemy we mean the ability of a grammatical form to have different connotative meanings in various contexts of its uses. Examine for illustration the connotative (syntagmatic) meanings of the Present Continuous signalled by the context in the following sentences:

Brian said to his cousin: "I'm signing on as well in a way, only for life. I'm getting married." Both stopped walking. Bert took his arm and stared: "You're not."

"I am. To Pauline (Sillitoe) -- future time reference. "It was a wedding in the country. The best man makes a speech. He is beaming all over his face, and he calls for attention... (Gordon) -- past time reference; ... "I'm sorry", he said, his teeth together, "You're not going in there". (Gordon) -- the Present Continuous with the implication of imperative modality;

"I am always thinking of him", said she. (Maugham) -- recurrent actions; She is always grumbling about trifles -- the qualitative Present, the permanent characteristic of the subject.

The asymmetric dualism of the linguistic sign ¹ appears to be natural and is a fairly common development in the structure of any language. One sign can have several semantic elements, and one semantic element may find its expression in different linguistic signs.

Suspension of oppositions on the morphological level presupposes establishing points of similarity between the contrasted members of a given opposition.

Transposition of grammatical forms will thus lead to their synonymic encounter.

The paradigmatic meaning of one grammatical form can coincide with the syntagmatic meaning of another, e. g.:

the Past Tense and the historic Present;

the Future Tense and the Present Tense used with future time relevance;

verb-forms of the Imperative and the Present Tense used with the implication of command, order or request.

Syntagmatic meanings of different grammatical forms can also coincide.

Consider, for illustration, the functional similarity of the simple Present and Present Continuous in:

The House sits on Monday. (Galsworthy) I'm not coming back to England. (Galsworthy)	future time relevance
Similarly:
You're coming with me now! You will come with me now! You will be coming with me now!	imperative modality implied in the syntagmatic meanings of different grammatical forms.

Oppositions are known to take different specific character on different linguistic levels: in phonology, morphology and vocabulary.

The linguistic structure is a highly organised system where we generally distinguish syntagmatic and paradigmatic relationships between words.

Syntagmatic relationships are conditioned by the context and as such are generally said to be based on the linear character of speech.

Paradigmatic relations reveal themselves in the sets of forms constituting paradigms. Forms making up the paradigm are analysed in morphemic terms.

Morphological neutralisation is a development of syntagmatic order. Observations in this area of grammar have proved the efficiency of contextual, distributional and transformational methods of linguistic analysis. We distinguish here the interdependence of word-forms within the syntactic structure, the interdependence of elements within the word-forms and the influence of other levels of the same language.

The problem of neutralisation on the grammatical level is relevant to a number of other important questions. These are: functional transpositions in grammar, contextual restrictions of grammatical meanings, the linguistic nature of the context which resolves ambiguity providing the formal clue to distinguish the necessary meaning in a position of neutralisation and contextual synonymy in grammar.

S. Karcevsky rightly points out that transpositions on the grammatical level are more regular and less free than lexical ones.

Transpositions of grammatical forms resulting in the neutralisation of meaning cannot be studied without a considerable relevance to a system of oppositions of which the given form is a part. It has been customary to say that grammatical forms make up an opposition if they have one grammatical feature in common and are contrasted by one or several points of their denotative content. The common element is the grammatical category itself revealed in the linguistic forms of its expression. Transposition is generally based on some points of the grammatical meaning which is retained though somewhat transformed thus producing the necessary effect in communication. This transformation may be of different kind. If, for instance, transposition results in yielding synonyms the latter are not interchangeable. As we shall further see, transpositions are always attended by the neutralisation of the contrasted grammatical meaning in special syntactic, lexical or situational environment where the given word-form occurs.

We find it necessary to distinguish two types of transposition on the morphological level:

regular transpositions established by long use in ordinary denotative grammar and

stylistic transpositions of special connotative value in expressive language.

Regular ordinary transpositions may be well illustrated by indirect speech with the concord of tenses which usually occurs between the finite verb in the main clause and that in the object clause of a complex sentence reporting a statement or question.

He says he knows all about it. He said he knew all about it.

Regular transpositions also occur in subordinate clauses of condition and time for the logical reasons of economising speech efforts ¹ e. g.: I shall recognise the place directly I see it.

(I see it = I shall see it) If I receive her letter, I shall ring you up.

(I receive = I shall receive)

The necessary meaning is generally signalled by the verb-form of the principal clause.

It is important to observe that the content of a grammatical form may be signalled by:

1. The lexical meaning of the words combined with a given grammatical form. These are often, for instance, adverbs of future time: tomorrow, next week, next month, next year, soon, etc. which will signal futurity in the use of the Present Indefinite and Present Continuous, e. g.: She comes up tomorrow night. She is coming up tomorrow night. Cf.: Експедиція прибуває наступного тижня.

Adverbs of past time will generally give the formal clue to distinguish the use of the Present tense with past time reference, e. g.: Fancy, I come home yesterday and find her letter on my table. Cf.: Уявляєш собі, приходжу я вчора додому...

The Present Continuous in patterns with adverbs of frequency and repetition will imply the frequentative character of the action, e. g.: He is for ever finding faults with whatever you do. I'm always thinking of him.

2. The whole syntactical structure, e. g.: I shall recognise the place directly I see it.

Oh, to have this happen when Rhett was just on the point of declaration. (Mitchell)

3. Consituation or "implied" context. Instances are not few when the meaning of a grammatical form is signalled by the context much larger than a given sentence or by a whole situation of the utterance. Examples are not far to seek.

Her thin arms slid away from his neck: "You'll soon get back to the English way". He was used to the rhythm of her voice, so that while complete sentences registered more quickly he lost the facility for reading hidden meanings in them, accents and stresses being removed as the need for repetition wanted. His dexterity at reading morse rhythms had proved a loss in that it enabled him to master Mimi's too soon, and because her own language was Chinese, she was able to hide so much in her flat deliverance of English. "I'm not going back to England", he said. (Sillitoe)

Michael walks and talks. (Galsworthy) -- the implication of the past is made clear by the contents of the whole chapter.

How mysterious women were! One lived alongside and knew nothing of them. What could she have seen in that fellow Bosinney to send her mad? For there was madness after all in what she had done -- crazy moonstruck madness, in which all sense of values had been lost, and her life and his life ruined! (Galsworthy)