Preservation of local identity during internal migration in Russia

Размещено на http://www.allbest.ru/

Размещено на http://www.allbest.ru/

Federal state autonomous educational institution for higher professional education

National research university higher school of economics

St. Petersburg School of Social Sciences and Area Studies

Bachelor's project

Field of study: 39.03.01 Sociology

Degree programme: Sociology and Social Informatics

Preservation of local identity during internal migration in Russia

Aleksandra Kirillovna Filosofova

Supervisor:

Professor at Department of Sociology

Dr. of Social sciences

Omelchenko Elena Leonidovna

Saint Petersburg 2020



Table of contents

migration place identity local

Introduction

Chapter 1. Literature review

1.1 Migration: definition and types

1.2 Factors of migration

1.3 Preservation of identity

1.4 Place identity (Local identity)

1.5 Preservation of place (local) identity thanks to online space

Chapter 2. Methods of data collection and analysis

2.1 Methods of interview collection and analysis

Chapter 3. Results

3.1 Results of interviews in Vorkuta

3.2 Results of interviews in Saint Petersburg

Conclusion

References

Appendix



Introduction

Migration is a complex and cross-disciplinary issue which is widely researched in modern society. Nowadays, migration is permanent and manifests itself in various forms such as internal and international migration. Migration helps to erase boundaries between ethnic groups and nation-states. However, migration does not preclude the preservation of local identity.

Extensive research has shown that the phenomenon of migration existed due to particular social, politic and economic changes. At the same time, a large and growing body of literature has investigated migration based on different factors that impact on migration: push-pull theory (Baas, Yeoh, 2018). Another huge block is globalization and cultural identity during international migration.

However, even though many studies have reported the topic of migration, the issue of preservation of local identity during internal migration is not so often studied and there are many omissions in the study of internal migration, which generate transregional identity (White, 2009).

This study aims to find practices for preservation local identity during internal migration in the example of migration from Vorkuta to other cities in Russia. The rationale for choosing this city is the amazing history and location of Vorkuta. Vorkuta is the fourth largest city beyond the Arctic Circle with very harsh climatic conditions for living, but with a very rich coal deposit. Since the 1930s, Vorkuta has been a place of exile for the construction of mines, coal mining and construction of Vorkuta. Thus, Vorkuta became a famous Gulag Island and at the same time a hotbed of coal industry. Nowadays, Vorkuta is a monocity with a developed coal industry and mines. However, the number of residents is decreasing every year, and internal migration from Vorkuta to other cities of Russia is increasing every year, while Vorkuta remains a special place for those who were born there. The motto of the locals is an expression that characterizes the city: "Not to destroy, but to build and mine".

The research questions of this work are formulated the following way: how people preserve their local identity (cultural representation, connection with their hometown, creation of community in a new place) during migration from one city to other on example of Vorkuta and what motivates people to unite in a new city based on a common territorial identity.

The object of the study is people from Vorkuta, who migrated to St. Petersburg, while the subject is the identity of migrants from Vorkuta.

The empirical part of the study is based on the analysis of 20 in-depth semi-structured interviews, observation diaries collected during the summer expedition to Vorkuta as part of the project "Revealing Russia" in 2019. The second part of the study consists of 10 in-depth semi-structured interviews, 8 of which were conducted online and 2 conversations with informants who moved from Vorkuta to St. Petersburg. The format of the online interview was chosen in relation to the coronavirus COVID-19. However, the standard rules for conducting the interview were respected.

The work begins with the chapter "Literature Review", which presents a critical analysis of foreign and domestic literature on the issue under study. It is followed by "Methods of data collection and analysis" - the section covering the process of data collection and processing. In conclusion, the general conclusions obtained from the analysis of the empirical part are presented.



Chapter 1. Literature review

1.1 Migration: definition and types

It is necessary to start literature review with a study of migration, types, and factors. As many studies have shown, types of migration and factors have a large impact on people. Depending on these factors, migrants will either have a connection with their home city or country or not (Bhugra, Becker, 2005). It is this connection, which manifests itself in the preservation of local identity and is important in my work.

The issue of migration has existed for a long time. In recent years, there has been an increasing interest in this sphere because each country deal with this phenomenon. Firstly, it is necessary to determine what may be called with the term «migration». Boyle describe migration as a crossing the boundary of a political or administrative unit for certain period. In addition to the basic definition, it should be said that there are two types of migration: internal and international. Internal migration implies moving from one area to the other within the framework of one country. However, international migration means crossing the boundary separate countries (Castles, 2000). Castles pointed out that internal and international migration should be studied together as whole structure. Moreover, the author claimed that the stringent division on internal and international not always appropriate. Stephen Castles argued that international migration can be over short distance and between people who has similar cultural identity. However, internal migration, for example, movements of Uyghurs «national minority» people from the western provinces of China to cities in the East include long distance and cultural distinction. Another case is breakup of Soviet Union which made millions of people international migrants. Despite the fact that exist international migration at the level of political border changes as in the case of the Soviet Union, there is also an increase in international migration at the individual level on the self-profit. Bell, Charles-Edwards, Ueffing, Stillwell, Kupiszewski and Kupiszewska highlighted that international migration decrease the level of internal migration. This is due to the fact that internal migration sometimes takes a longer distance than international migration. At the same time, international migration changes lifestyles to a greater extent. This is due to cultural, economic, political changes that appear in the new country (Bell, Charles-Edwards, Ueffing, Stillwell, Kupiszewski and Kupiszewska, 2015).

1.2 Factors of migration

Almost all modern migration studies are based on the work of Ravenstein. In this work on the laws of migration, Ravenstein discussed important factors that are called "push" and "pull". In addition, Ravenstein has advanced the hypothesis that people tend to migrate from rural to urban areas. This hypothesis has been tested and confirmed to this day (Grigg, 1977). Extensive research has shown that the phenomenon of migration is caused by a huge number of different factors. In sociology, it is primarily known neo-classical approach which are subdivided factors on push and pull. Push factors force people to leave their residence because of politic, economic problems. Pull factors, on the other hand, encourage people to immigrate (Baas, Yeoh, 2019). However, a huge number of scientists claim that this theory is limited and does not include other important factors. For instance, Joaquin Arango pointed out that meaningful factor is migration network. Many migrants move because they have a circle of friends in a new city or country. This is a very important factor that affects accommodation of a migrant in a new place (Arango, 2000). The wider the social network in a new area, the faster a person finds a new job, new residency. It is also an important aspect to keep in touch with people who have stayed in their home country. This helps not to lose cultural identity and keep in touch with the home. Thus, it is profitable for a person to keep ties with people from his or her hometown or country, but also to develop and strengthen new ties in a new place. The wider the network and the more weak ties, the greater the chance of success in all spheres (Granovetter, 1983). Another significant factor pointed out White (2009) in the article «Internal Migration, Identity and Livelihood Strategies in Contemporary Russia». She highlighted that survival is most basic and common factor for migration. The author examined the term «survival» from different sides. For instance, young men from small town tend to move to big cities with opportunity to get higher education due to avoid military service. Another example is unemployment in small cities. This is especially true for monocities where there are city-forming enterprises. When such enterprises are closed, people remain in a desperate situation. The most rational method is to move to a bigger city where different sectors are developed.

In addition, age is an important predictor in migration. Mkrtchyan and Vakulenko (2019) noticed that life cycle stage influence on the migration flows. At each stage of the life cycle people choose different types of migration. Authors pointed out that moving to regions with high salaries is attractive for young specialists who are ready to move within the country in search of better economic opportunities. In this way, young people reproduce internal migration. However, people of retirement age with high social and economic capital tend to move to other countries, that is international migration.

1.3 Preservation of identity

After the concept of migration has been operationalized and types and factors have been identified, it is worth moving on to the topic of preservation local identity during migration. The term «identity» includes ideas of uniqueness and individuality that make people or social group distinct from others (Erikson 1968). Moreover, Bhugra noted that racial, cultural, and ethnic identity is part of the individual, and identity will change with development at both the personal and social level. For example, the process of migration has a huge impact on the identity (Bhugra, 2004).

A many scientist over the past year raised the question of the preservation identity, local patriotism. Purkayastha (2018) reported that despite the fact that we are living in an era of globalization, nowadays the issue of preservation national identity is an important aspect. However, it should be noted that the preservation of local identity in international migration is often prevented. Purkayastha pointed out that at the state level it was difficult for a migrant to maintain his or her identity for the reason that the migrant cannot transmit his or her cultural property to the new country. A study of Katartzi (2018) illuminated the manifestation of the ethnic and national identity of young migrants in Greece. The study showed that young people have not lost their ethnic identity and identify with their place of birth. In addition, they warmly speak about their homeland and maintain ties with their relatives. However, they want to have an identity with the local population as well, but the local population does not accept migrants, does not allow assimilation. Likewise, Ozkan (2016) noted that preservation the migrant's local identity was a risk for the host country. The migrant does not lose contact with his home country, reads the media of his country, and can develop nationalistic sentiments. By contrast, Pfanenshtil, Yatsenko, Kudashov, Mongush and Rakhinskiy (2019) claimed that multiculturalism on international level has a negative chance. This is due to the segregation of migrants from the local population. In Germany, for example, schools for migrants are created where only they study. On the one hand, in this way migrants can maintain their local identity and cultural values, but on the other hand, they do not integrate into the new community.

A large and growing body of literature has investigated preservation of identity based on international migration. However, there are studies that study the preservation of local identity in internal migration using small towns as an example. Gunko and Medvedev (2018) examined the association for young people between local identity and migration. The study showed that young people who maintain a local identity are more likely to return to their hometowns. In general, young people leave their cities because they don't see the prospects and realization in study and work. Young people with strong local identities integrate worse into the new community but return more easily to their homes. In turn, young people without a strong connection to their place of birth are easier to settle in new cities. In general, young people tend to deny their connection to their place of birth more generally, without considering it important to have «place identity». Scientists believe that cultural education can increase local identity, but the main factor is to improve life in these cities so that there is no forced migration.

Another study also found that preservation of local identity and preservation of the immigrants' social and economic ties with the origin country increase the probability to return migration to the origin country (Amit, 2018). The author draws attention to the fact that a large number of migrants deliberately exclude themselves from the community on their home soil in order to better integrate into the new community. In addition, migrants often try to adopt the cultural identity of the locals as a template so as not to be different from them. However, many recent scientific studies show that the majority of immigrants now cultivate a multi-faceted culture. Thus, migrants are not tied to one place at the cultural or economic level. Like Amit, Momesso and Lee (2019) noticed that globalization and mobility should erase cultural and social differences between countries, creating a common identity. However, in practice, this is not the case because migration is often triggered by military or political events of several countries that maintain rigid national identities.

A new issue of preservation identity during migration was shown by Wigand, Wiegand, Altintas, Jдger and Becker (2019). These authors pointed out that migration identity is a high risk of psychological illness. At the stage of moving to a new place a person loses his or her place identity: he or she leaves the old place of residence but does not get used to the new one yet. In order to avoid psychological disorders and not to get sick, it is worth keeping in touch with friends and relatives from the home place. Tognoli also talked about the psychological stress of moving in (Tognoli, 2003). Bhugra, Becker (2005) claimed that types of migration have different impacts on the health of migrants and their cultural identity. Generally, migration process is described as taking place in three stages. The first stage is pre-migration, which includes decision-making and preparation to move. The second stage, migration, is the physical movement of people from one place to another. The third stage, post-migration, is defined as "the absorption of migrants within the social and cultural framework of a new society". In my work, the third stage is the most important for the reason that it is during the period of adaptation in a new place that a person either joins the new culture and loses his or her identity or preserves the local cultural identity.

1.4 Place identity (Local identity)

In my work, I place great emphasis on place identity (Proshansky, 1983). This is the most important indicator that shows the connection of a migrant to his or her hometown at the level of internal migration. This type of identity was identified by Proshansky in 1983. According to Proshansky, place identity begins with the formation of a person's self-identity not only by distinguishing between themselves and others, but also by distinguishing the spaces and places in which they are located. The author claimed that place identity is not entirely stable and change throughout life. This is due to the fact that place identity is shaped directly by physical places, memories, and surroundings.

Another interesting study is the work of Hernandez on the relationship between how long a person has lived in a place, whether they were born in it, and local identity and attachment to the place (Hernandez, 2007). The result of this study ? local (place) identity is higher for the city as a whole than for the district. Another result is that the value of local identity in relation to the place is higher for those who were born there than for those who moved to the place. To sum up, it should be said that people who moved to other city do not lose local identity and do not assimilation in the new place. Moreover, Hull (1994) pointed out that the connection with the hometown is most acute in forced migration. For example, if the climate catastrophe forced the departure of the hometown, the connection with the hometown will be the highest due to the forced sharp loss of the city. Besides, a person starts to feel not only place (local) identity but also social with people from this city. Another study showed that residents of the same district maintain identity through four criteria: continuity, self-esteem, self-efficacy and distinctiveness (Twigger-Ross, Uzzell, 1996). Furthermore, place identity includes social identity (Hogg and Abrams, 1988). Place identity reflects belonging to a group of people. For example, migrants keeping in touch with the people from hometown. It helps preserve local (place) identity. However, Fried (1963) pointed out that place identity is associated with self-identity, not group membership. Self-identity described by Mead (1934). Mead claimed that the individual sees himself the way others see him. Erikson (1950) and Rosenberg (1986) also noted that self-identity is shaped by the surrounding reality.

Using some of these works as an example, it can be noted that local identity is often explored precisely in the course of migration: local identity is most evident and available for research in changes in a person's place of residence. A person changes his or her environment, space and tries to adapt in a new place (Yang, Brown, 2013).

1.5 Preservation of place (local) identity thanks to online space

A huge number of studies raise the issue of online communication during migration. On the one hand, some scientists argue that connecting with their hometown via the Internet prevents a person from assimilating to their new place of residence and expanding their circle of communication in the new city (Lingel et al., 2014), (Bhagat, 2011)). On the other hand, Lбљticovб (2014) claimed that migrants can maintain their local identity by online communication with their hometown and stay connected with people from their hometown. At the same time, in the new city, they are actively expanding networks of acquaintances in real life. Thus, people who have moved from one city to another have a large number of connections both in their own city and in the new one.



Chapter 2. Methods of data collection and analysis

In order to find the most accurate answer to the questions related to the motivation of people to unite in a new city based on a common territorial identity and to understand how people maintain their local identity when migrating to other cities, qualitative methods were used in this paper based on the collection and analysis of semi-structured in-depth interviews, conversations, and analyses. The 20 interviews collected during the expedition to the city of Vorkuta, as well as observation diaries and interviews with informants, were used as the basis for the initial analysis. All of these interviews have transcripts and some codes described in the book of Strauss and Corbin (Strauss, Corbin, 1998). The analysis of the interviews collected during the expedition and directly in St. Petersburg provides an opportunity to gain a deeper and more comprehensive understanding of how migrants from Vorkuta are able to maintain their local identities and maintain ties between them in their new city.

2.1 Methods of interview collection and analysis

Qualitative data of the empirical part can be divided into two parts. The first part consists of 20 semi-structured in-depth interviews with young people in Vorkuta, observation diaries and conversations. The following characteristics were important in the selection of informants: age 16-32 and be native Vorkutin. The rationale for this age category is that this group is more prone to migrate.

The second part consists of 10 semi-structured online in-depth interviews and 2 conversations with young people in the city of St. Petersburg. When selecting informants in St. Petersburg, the same characteristics of informants as in Vorkuta are important. Thus, the sample is homogeneous.

The selection of informants in the expedition to the city of Vorkuta passed through the social network «VKontakte» (VK) with the help of the communities «Molodezh Vorkuti», («Youth of Vorkuta»), «Soyuz molodezhi v gorode Vorkuta», («Youth Union of Vorkuta»), «Cheloy, Vorkuta», («Hello, Vorkuta»), «Vorkuta Sportivnaya», («Vorkuta sports»). Community members were sorted by age and place of residence (Vorkuta). Messages with asking them to take part in interviews were then sent to future informants. If the informant agreed, a time and date for the interview would be set. During interviews with informants, many informants gave contacts of acquaintances and friends who fit the required characteristics (age and place of birth). In this way, a large number of informants were found using the snowball method. It was important to make sure that there was no gender bias in the sample.

Before the interview was conducted, a guide was compiled to identify the leisure characteristics of young people in Vorkuta, migration plans and attitudes of young people to the city. The following blocks were identified: 1) Acquaintance and Biography; 2) City; 3) Youth in the city; 4) Informant Company; 5) Cultural consumption; 6) Future plans and migration.

After the interviews were collected, the stage of transcription of the interview and creation of common open codes began. In the course of interview collection and analysis, the anonymity of the informants was observed, the names were replaced with fictitious ones, and the informants were given a serial number. The method of data analysis - categorization by means of open coding, was used in the work. After the codes were allocated, they were generalized.

The selection of informants in the second part of my study was carried out using the snowball method. During the expedition to Vorkuta, I met an informant who is involved in youth policy in Vorkuta. He was the one who gave me several contacts of young people who had moved from Vorkuta to St. Petersburg. After that, the informants that I interviewed, gave me some more contacts of friends and acquaintances from Vorkuta. Thus, 10 semi-structured in-depth interviews were collected, 8 of which were online and 2 conversations. The 8 interviews were Skype-taped and recorded on a Dictaphone, so that I could receive the transcripts and codes.

Before the interviews were conducted, a guide was also compiled to identify the preservation of local identity in migration. The following blocks in the guide were identified for this purpose: 1) Biography of the informant; 2) Life in Vorkuta; 3) Relocation; 4) Youth in Vorkuta; 5) Leisure time; 6) Preservation of local identity.

After the interviews were collected, the stage of transcription of the interview and open coding began. As in the first part, the anonymity of the informants was respected. The open coding method made it possible to compare the first part of the study, which was conducted in Vorkuta, with the study in St. Petersburg. The results obtained will be presented in the next part.

The method of semi-structured interviews and conversations with young people in Vorkuta is necessary for a deep understanding of migration plans and motivations for migration, and interviews in Saint-Petersburg with migrants allow already to understand how the process of adaptation goes in a new place and whether Vorkuta identity can be preserved. This methodological part is the most appropriate for my research. Following the «grounded theory», an in-depth interview allows to ask clarifying questions and develop topics that concern the informant. Furthermore, in-depth interview allows to disclose the emotions and feelings of the informants.



Chapter 3. Results

3.1 Results of interviews in Vorkuta

In the methodological part it was mentioned that the work consists of two parts: 20 semi-structured in-depth interviews and conversations with informants in the city of Vorkuta and 10 semi-structured in-depth interviews and 2 conversations with informants from Vorkuta who moved to St. Petersburg.

During the analysis of the interview, codes were assigned to the main topics from the interview. After working through all the interviews, the codes were summarized for two blocks: an interview collected directly in Vorkuta and an interview collected in St. Petersburg with native Vorkutians who moved to St. Petersburg. This helped to identify common trends and migration plans, as well as to directly understand the adaptation and preservation of the identity of Vorkutians in Saint Petersburg.

So, speaking about the analysis of the interviews collected during the expedition to Vorkuta, it is worth noting the following codes received:

Leisure

Education

Migration

Firstly, quite a significant part of the conversation is the story about leisure time in Vorkuta. Speaking about it, informants pay attention to the harsh climatic conditions that do not allow much time spent on the street: "As our region is specific because of the weather, like the northern strip, not central Russia, we have polar nights. When there is no light and we walk like mole - frost, we do not spend much time outside" [M, 28, entrepreneur].This contributes to the fact that young people spend a lot of time in different sections and clubs. Vorkuta still has a developed system of clubs and sections in the Dvorets Tvorchestva Detey I molodezhi (Palace of Creativity for Children and Youth). Almost all informants mentioned the Creativity Palace and indicated that it was their "second home". In addition, it may be noted that the leisure time of young people is almost the same for everyone, due to the fact that there is no great variety of cinemas and shopping centers. A great emphasis in the leisure sector is placed on sports. Sport in Vorkuta occupies a large place, there are a large number of sports sections, and competitions are held at the level of the republic and the region.

Secondly, informants pay attention to the fact that school education in Vorkuta is very strong, schoolchildren show high scores on the USE (Unified State Exam) and participate in various Olympiads, including those in Russia. However, there is an acute shortage of higher education in the city. There are colleges in Vorkuta, and the most popular is Gorniy (Mining) College, which provides an opportunity to connect your life with the coal industry, which is the most promising and well-paid in the city. In addition, there is a branch of Ukhta State Technical University (USTU) in Vorkuta, which trains students in similar fields to Mining College, namely: oil and gas, mining, and techno-security. There are no other faculties apart from technical specialties that are relevant to the economy of Vorkuta. This exacerbates the outflow of young people from Vorkuta to other cities after graduation. As interviews have shown, most young people tend to go to university in another city and move after school:

« It's a separate topic about the vyshka (higher education). It was my motivation to leave in terms of development and career. Because I understood that where I work in education, career development does not wait for me, and in Syktyvkar had the opportunity to go a little higher and further, so I decided that we should act and leave. There are some difficulties among the staff in the field of education, well, the bosses who deal specifically with erunda (nonsense). In my opinion, wrong management, wrong management. A person feels uncomfortable with mismanagement. I was uncomfortable, that is why I left. And if there was a university, I think people would stay, yes. A lot of people would have stayed»

[M, 28, entrepreneur]

The theme of migration is most relevant for young people of school age with the prospect of entering higher educational institutions of Russia on the basis of the Unified State Exam.

From interviews and conversations with informants, it became clear that there are two types of migration: for education and out of despair. The second type of migration is usually less feasible, but highly desirable. Young people who have graduated from colleges want to move to another city, but do not know how to organize it, as they have housing and work in Vorkuta, and in the new place they are afraid not to have it.

In general, during the analysis of the interview it became clear that Vorkuta remains a favorite place for those who left Vorkuta after school. These people keep warm memories and try to keep the Vorkuta in a new place. This hypothesis was further confirmed in interviews taken already in St. Petersburg with those who moved from Vorkuta to St. Petersburg.

3.2 Results of interviews in Saint Petersburg

Analyzing the interviews which were collected in St. Petersburg, I managed to highlight the following codes:

Reasons for migration

Connecting with Vorkuta is pride

Comparison of life in St. Petersburg with life in Vorkuta

During interviews and conversations with informants from Vorkuta who moved to St. Petersburg, it was possible to identify general trends. It is worth starting with the fact that the reason for the migration was the lack of higher education in Vorkuta. As well as informants interviewed in Vorkuta, informants currently residing in St. Petersburg, noted that they had planned to move from Vorkuta since childhood because there is no diversity of specialties and higher education institutions in the city. The most common age for migration from Vorkuta is 16-18 years old, after finishing school.

All informants who were in my sample noted the uniqueness of people from Vorkuta. In their opinion, the uniqueness lies in the fact that youth people from Vorkuta are very creative. Due to the lack of leisure practices, Vorkutinians independently invent leisure time, organize events, try to attend a large number of circles and sections. In addition, youth from Vorkuta try to stick together without losing touch in the new city. During the interview I was able to find out that there is a community of Vorkuta people, which expands with the arrival of new Vorkuta people in a particular city. In my case, it is a move from Vorkuta to St. Petersburg. As informants note, Vorkutinians help each other in a new place, often forming companies only from Vorkutinians. Many noted that they did not know so many Vorkuta people in Vorkuta itself, and on arrival in St. Petersburg, the circle of Vorkuta acquaintances has expanded. As it became known from one interview, there is even a street in St. Petersburg, which is called Vorkutinskaya. This street was renamed Vorkutinskaya in 2013 and in the same year a memorial sign to the miners from Vorkuta was installed. Vorkutinians are very proud of this street and love to talk about it. In addition, informants noted that the preservation of local identity in St. Petersburg is still possible because St. Petersburg reminds Vorkuta of architecture. In addition, informants are proud of the fact that during the Great Patriotic War Vorkuta helped Leningrad: «Vorkuta helped Leningrad during the War, ferried coal to Leningrad. We are proud to remember this moment, so I am proud to be a Vorkutin» [M, 24, engineer].

Besides, people from Vorkuta are generally proud to be born in Vorkuta. As most informants pointed out, Vorkuta is a place that offers many obstacles and barriers, ranging from natural conditions to economic restrictions, but at the same time Vorkuta hardens its character and raises humanity in people. All Vorkuta people help the needy by joining together in one community. No matter who needs help, a native Vorkutins or a person from another city, people are ready to help.

Comparing life in Vorkuta and St. Petersburg, informants noted great prospects and opportunities in St. Petersburg. However, informants noted that a large number of easily accessible things discourage motivation, and such a small town like Vorkuta, on the contrary, constantly provokes to some activity, creativity. Most informants noted that they have not changed their leisure activities with the move, still like to meet someone as in Vorkuta, but long distances make it more difficult to access. Another part of informants, which is connected with creative directions: photography, reconstruction, anime, etc. In St. Petersburg there are more opportunities to develop in this area, so they are united by Vorkutinians in the new city and create on a larger scale than in their native Vorkuta. In this way, it should be said that Vorkutinians are united in St. Petersburg on such a basis as hobby and work.

Another important aspect is returning to Vorkuta. As all my informants have noted, they do not plan to return to Vorkuta permanently because they do not see any prospects for themselves, but they follow the news of the city and try not to lose touch with the Vorkutians in the new city. In addition, they note that no Vorkutians will not forget in a new city to say that he or she is from Vorkuta, because people from Vorkuta are special people who are different from people from other cities.



Conclusion

The results of the analysis interviews, conversations with people in Vorkuta and migrant from Vorkuta in Saint Petersburg allow me to draw some more general conclusions about preservation of local identity during migration from Vorkuta to Saint Petersburg. The two-stage study, which consisted of collecting and analyzing interviews, conversations and included observation in Vorkuta, and then collecting and analyzing interviews and conversations in St. Petersburg with migrants from Vorkuta, made it possible to clearly track and understand the life of young people in Vorkuta, their migration plans and attitudes towards Vorkuta before moving to another city and afterwards. In addition, this method has provided insight into how migrants from Vorkuta preserve their local identity in the new city and what changes when they move to a new city.

The analysis of the empirical part of this paper allows me to draw the following conclusions. Firstly, people from Vorkuta are proud to be born in Vorkuta. During the analysis and coding of the interview, I managed to identify the following indicators that make Vorkutians proud of their city: beautiful nature, powerful coal industry, helpful and openhearted people, creative youth. Secondly, Vorkutians try to move to the same city so as not to lose touch. During the analysis of the interview, it became clear that keeping the connection is a very important characteristic for people from Vorkuta. Vorkutinians try to live in the same district in St. Petersburg, as long distances do not allow to see each other often. However, if it is not possible to live in the same district, Vorkutinians still often meet each other and expand their networks of acquaintances with Vorkutinians even in St. Petersburg. Preservation of ties with people from Vorkuta in the new city allows them to settle in a new place faster and easier. According to the interview analysis, Vorkutinians help each other in a new place by involving each other in the work and having the same hobbies. In addition, an important indicator of the preservation of local identity for Vorkutians is the maintenance of relations with people who have remained in Vorkuta. As mentioned in the literary review, online space allows people to keep in touch with their hometown.

The next important conclusion is that Vorkutinians unite in the new city because they do not want to lose contact with the city on the level of interpersonal connections. As the analysis has shown, migration to other cities, in particular to St. Petersburg, in most cases is due to the desire to get a good education and find a job. At the same time, young people do not want to lose the identity that they had in Vorkuta and are trying to move it to a new place in St. Petersburg without changing their habits, hobbies, and circle of communication. On the other hand, St. Petersburg helps implement its hobbies and ideas to a greater extent than is possible in Vorkuta.

However, this study has some limitations. Firstly, due to the coronavirus COVID-19 had to reduce the number of interviews taken, as the online format was not suitable for all informants. Secondly, it was not possible to contact the Vorkutines who had returned to Vorkuta for some reason. Third, the sample consisted only of Vorkutinians who had moved to St. Petersburg. As analysis has shown, Vorkuta and St. Petersburg are closely connected, so most Vorkuta people choose Saint Petersburg as their new residence. The analysis showed that the Vorkuta people feel similarity between Vorkuta and St. Petersburg in terms of architecture, historical memory, and characteristics of people.

In this regard, the future directions of the study could be the following: analysis of migrants from Vorkuta in different cities of Russia and comparison of their accommodation in a new city. In addition, it will be interesting to look at the preservation of local identity on the example of other monocities in Russia.



References

1. Baas, M., & Yeoh, B. S. (2019). Introduction: Migration studies and critical temporalities. Current Sociology, 67(2), 161-168.

2. White, A. (2009). Internal migration, identity and livelihood strategies in contemporary Russia. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 35(4), 555-573.

3. Castles, S. (2000). International migration at the beginning of the twenty?first century: global trends and issues. International Social Science Journal, 52(165), 269-281.

4. Bell, M., Charles?Edwards, E., Ueffing, P., Stillwell, J., Kupiszewski, M., & Kupiszewska, D. (2015). Internal migration and development: comparing migration intensities around the world. Population and Development Review, 41(1), 33-58.

5. Arango, J. (2000). Explaining migration: a critical view. International social science journal, 52(165), 283-296.

6. Granovetter, M. (1983). The strength of weak ties: A network theory revisited. Sociological theory, 201-233.

7. Mkrtchyan, N., & Vakulenko, E. (2019). Interregional migration in Russia at different stages of the life cycle. GeoJournal, 84(6), 1549-1565.

8. Erikson, E.H. (1968). Identity: Youth and crisis (No. 7). WW Norton & Company.

9. Purkayastha, B. (2018). Migration, migrants, and human security. Current Sociology, 66(2), 167-191.

10. Katartzi, E. (2018). Young migrants' narratives of collective identifications and belonging. Childhood, 25(1), 34-46.

11. Цzkan, D. (2016). HIGH ANXIETY: MIGRATION, IDENTITY AND MEDIA IN CRISIS IN LATE MODERN PERIOD. International Journal of Contemporary Economics & Administrative Sciences, 6.

12. Pfanenshtil, I.A., Yatsenko, M.P., Kudashov, V.I., Mongush, A.L., & Rakhinsky, D.V. (2019). Multiculturalism And Educational Practice: Problems Of Socio-Cultural Identity Preservation. In The European Proceedings of Social & Behavioural Sciences EpSBS (pp. 1493-1502).

13. Gunko, M., & Medvedev, A. (2018). Dull place or green idyll: Local identity and migration intentions of small city youth. Tijdschrift voor economische en sociale geografie, 109(5), 661-676.

14. Amit, K. (2018). Identity, belonging and intentions to leave of first and 1.5 generation FSU immigrants in Israel. Social Indicators Research, 139(3), 1219-1235.

15. Momesso, L., & Lee, C.Y. (2019). Nation, Migration, Identity: Learning from the Cross?Strait Context. International Migration, 57(4), 218-231.

16. Wigand, M.E., Wiegand, H.F., Altintas, E., Jдger, M., & Becker, T. (2019). Migration, Identity, and Threatened Mental Health: Examples from Contemporary Fiction. Transcultural psychiatry, 56(5), 1076-1093.

17. Jerome, T. (2003). Leaving home: Homesickness, place attachment, and transition among residential college students. Journal of College Student Psychotherapy, 18(1), 35-48.

18. Bhugra, D., & Becker, M.A. (2005). Migration, cultural bereavement and cultural identity. World psychiatry: official journal of the World Psychiatric Association (WPA), 4(1), 18-24.

19. Proshansky, H.M., Fabian, A.K., & Kaminoff, R. (1983). Place-identity: Physical world socialization of the self. Journal of environmental psychology.

20. Hernбndez, B., Hidalgo, M.C., Salazar-Laplace, M.E., & Hess, S. (2007). Place attachment and place identity in natives and non-natives. Journal of environmental psychology, 27(4), 310-319.

21. Hull IV, R.B., Lam, M., & Vigo, G. (1994). Place identity: symbols of self in the urban fabric. Landscape and urban planning, 28(2-3), 109-120.

22. Twigger-Ross, C.L., & Uzzell, D.L. (1996). Place and identity processes. Journal of environmental psychology, 16(3), 205-220.

23. Abrams, D., & Hogg, M.A. (1988). Comments on the motivational status of self?esteem in social identity and intergroup discrimination. European journal of social psychology, 18(4), 317-334.

24. Fried, M. (1963). Grieving for a lost home. En L. Duhl (Ed.), The urban condition (pp. 151-171).

25. Mead, G.H. (1934). Mind, self and society (Vol. 111). University of Chicago Press.: Chicago.

26. Erikson, E.H. (1950). Growth and crises of the" healthy personality".

27. Rosenberg, M. (1986). Self-concept from middle childhood through adolescence. Psychological perspectives on the self, 3.

28. Yang, C.C., & Brown, B. B. (2013). Motives for using Facebook, patterns of Facebook activities, and late adolescents' social adjustment to college. Journal of youth and adolescence, 42(3), 403-416.

29. Lingel, J., Naaman, M., & Boyd, D.M. (2014, February). City, self, network: transnational migrants and online identity work. In Proceedings of the 17th ACM conference on Computer supported cooperative work & social computing (pp. 1502-1510).

30. Lбљticovб, B. (2014). New media, social capital and transnational migration: Slovaks in the UK. Human Affairs, 24(4), 406-422.

31. Bhagat, R.B. (2011). Migrants (Denied) Right to the city. Urban Policies and the Right to the City in India: Rights, Responsibilities and Citizenship, edited by Faetanini Marina, UNESCO, New Delhi.

32. Grigg, D.B. (1977). EG Ravenstein and the “laws of migration”. Journal of Historical geography, 3(1), 41-54.

33. Bhugra, D. (2004). Migration and mental health. Acta psychiatrica scandinavica, 109(4), 243-258.

34. Strauss, A., & Corbin, J. (1998). Basics of qualitative research techniques. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage publications.

35. Filosofova A. (2020). Preservation of Local Identity during Internal Migration in Russia, project proposal.

Appendix

Example of interview

И: Ну давай начнем тогда с того, что расскажи немного о себе.

И: Меня зовут Денис Петров (имя изменено), я родился в Воркуте, в 89 году. У меня туда приехали родители на заработки, соответственно у меня папа шахтер, 30 лет проработал в Воркуте. В 89 году я родился, пошел в школу, отучился в Воркуте. После этого вот уже уехал в Санкт-Петербург, здесь работаю в университете “Промышленных технологий и дизайна”. У меня была единственная работа, 10 лет я уже работаю на одном месте. Ну, естественно, там карьерный рост, не без этого. Вот сейчас занимаю должность начальника управления по организации молодежной политики в университете. До этого был активистом, председателем студсовет, вот в этом направлении развивался. Вот. Как бы вот это вот будучи школьником у меня тоже была какая-то, какое-то рвение к ответственности, то есть там в те года не было прям каких-то таких активных студенческих, школьных, получается тогда мероприятий, но уже потихонечку что-то создавалось, были выборы президента школы там и так далее, то есть я занимал там комитет какой-то...по правопорядку или что-то такое, ну в общем активничал, начинал еще со школы активничать, там занимался спортом...футболом, карате, плаваньем. Ну в общем, я думаю мы к этому еще вернемся, что в Воркуте в принципе делать было особо нечего, что заниматься спортом. Вот поэтому я много чего перепробовал. Что касается о себе… Сейчас живу, работаю в Санкт-Петербурге, счастлив, доволен, как бы вот, если что-то конкретное нужно еще сказать.

И: А учился в этом же университете?

И: Да-да, я приехал в 2008 году, поступил сюда на экономический факультет... и со второго курса начал работать здесь, в этом университете в копицентре. Вот. В местном, локальном копицентре работал. После этого меня там заметили, привлекли там работать в приемную комиссию на лето и пошло поехало, потихонечку вот я начал в этом ВУЗе становится, вот уже дорос до административных должностей. Жил в общежитии также, ну не все время, а я где-то 50% своей учебы снимал квартиру, 50% жил в общежитии. Причем, у меня получилось наоборот, что я сначала жил в квартире, а потом переехал в общежитие, когда понял, что жалко деньги тратить и лучше сэкономить. Вот.

И: А в Воркуте в каком районе жил?

И: В Воркуте… ну, когда совсем маленький был, я родился, жили мы, ну… я даже, наверное, не буду вспоминать, улица Победы или что-то еще. Потом где-то в два или в три годы мы переехали на улицу Ленина, напротив ДТЮ был дом 46, если не ошибаюсь, номер его. Там мы прожили до 2 класса и….переехали потом еще на Ленина 66в, это прям вот из окна у меня виден был “Олимп” и всю главную площадь. Вот, и там уже прошла вся моя, можно сказать, молодость школьная и уже уезжал я оттуда в Питер.

И: Самый центр, получается.

И: Да, можно сказать, самый центр. Было близко до школы, до 35, в которой я учился. Знаешь, не знаешь такую?

И: Неа.

И: Нет, ну где мы все учились. И Дима Махов, и….

И: А, вы в одной все школе учились.

И: ...Да, мы в одной школе и друзья, с которыми я переехал. Буквально 5 минут до школы было, то есть если забыл там тетрадку или еще что-то, можно было быстренько на перемене сбегать домой. Вот. Было близко до спортивных секций. В принципе в Воркуте все близко, особенно, когда переезжаешь в Санкт-Петербург и возвращаешься в какие-то маленькие города, расстояние кажется совершенно маленьким и … то есть вот так вот да, было удобно.

И: А какие вообще любимые места в Воркуте?

И: *вздыхает* Наверное, все зависит от возраста. Поначалу….. Особо, честно сказать, в Воркуте не было, где погулять. То есть это связано с тем, что холодно зимой. Мы сейчас говорим чисто про зиму, потому что на каждое лето я уезжал к бабушке, как, я думаю, большинство воркутинских детей.

И: А куда?

И: В Тульскую область. Вот у меня там бабушка жила и мы каждое лето с родителями меня туда отправляли. Вот…. Соответственно, по местам: ну зимой это был снежный город у нас на центральной площади. То есть его выстраивали большую горку, там скульптуры и это было достаточно красиво, где можно было там погулять, походить. Вот на всякие любые праздники городские это было главное место, тусовочное, для Воркуты, для воркутинцев и так далее. Вот. Также помню у нас был “Овраг”. Это мост на Теман, и это тоже недалеко от моего дома. Я не скажу, что это прям хорошее место, я пытаюсь сейчас вспомнить те места, которые отложились в моей голове. Вот. Что еще, что еще. Ну да, смотря в каком возрасте. Когда были помладше, мы гуляли там просто во дворах. Вот я недавно жене рассказывал смешную историю, мы как-то вспомнили про детские увлечения, я ей говорю: “вот у нас была такая игра, когда была пурга , просто пускали мусорный пакет и бежали за ним”. То есть не было особо таких мест, куда бы мы ходили, но тем самым мы часто посещали различные секции. Вот, собственно, я в первом классе ходил на шахматы, со второго класса я ходил в бассейн, профессионально занимался плаванием 4 года, потом тем же, тем же временем я ходил на техническое моделирование, то есть мы там строили, моделировали различные там самолеты, вертолеты. Я еще являюсь чемпионом города Воркуты по вертолетам на резиномоторе. Я думаю, что это очень сложно объяснить, но я помню, я был очень рад этому. Где-то в третьем или четвертом классе я вот выиграл эти городские соревнования. Потом еще тоже выиграл по аэромобилям там или так далее. Ну в общем ходил на кружок технического моделирования, где мы там делали там различные вот такие вещи. Вот. Ходил на карате в школу, ходил … куда я еще ходил.. Ну, в общем, часто занимался спортом! Но на самом деле не понимаю, почему я не ходил на хоккей, потому что хоккей в Воркуте очень сильно развит и даже хоккеист Николишин.. не знаешь, да, такого?.. ну, в общем, игрок КХЛ, я не буду регалии его вспоминать, боюсь ошибиться. Ну, в общем, из Воркуты было несколько хороших прям хоккеистов. Ну, кстати и пловцов, были там ребята.

И: То есть спорт активно поддерживается?

И: В Воркуте активно, да, развивался спорт. Потому что че делать...гулять не пойдешь, сидеть либо там в гостях, чем-то там заниматься, либо заниматься спортом. И в Воркуте потом уже проводилась в ноябре Спартакиада народов Севера, проводили и приезжали туда различные города: ближние там Салехард, Инта, Усинск, Сыктывкар вот и мы всегда, воркутинцы, выигрывали эти соревнования. То есть каждый год у нас прям была хорошая сборная спортсменов, которые там выступали по разным видам спорта, там футбол, волейбол , ну везде мы выигрывали и воркутинцы ходили на эти мероприятия. Вот. Потом наверное… это я вот рассказываю про свою жизнь, наверное, до 8 класса. После там 8-9 класса, ну, появились какие-то другие там развлечения. Походы с друзьями там в какие-то заведения, с девчонками там и так далее. То есть начал замечать, что открываются какие-то там различные кафе. Ну они наверное и до этого были открыты, наверняка, но я просто не знал, ночные клубы там и так далее. То есть для молодежи всякие такие тусовочные места тоже были. Их правда было немного, то есть мы вот когда выходили там вечером куда-то идти у нас было 2-3 места на выбор, куда можно сходить. То есть не было такого, что пойдем либо туда, либо сюда. Вот … про быстрое питание я вообще молчу, потому что там такого не было. Ну в принципе это не актуально для маленького города, потому что все удобнее просто поесть дома. И все люди, которые работали, они ходили домой на обед. То есть не было такого, что… либо брали с собой тормозки, как папа мой всегда это называл: “я ездил на шахту и брал с собой тормозок”. Вот. Любимые места еще, мы разговариваем про это… Ну может быть в процессе я еще что-то вспомню, поэтому можем перейти к следующему вопросу.