Zambia has been welcoming to the immigrants since 1969 mostly from neighboring countries and in which there was 6% of immigrants of the total Zambian population in 1969 (Permanent Mission of zambia to the United Nations, 2013). In addition to this, successive Zambian governments have ratified migration treaties such as; UN convention on the elimination all forms of discrimination against women in 1985, various ILO conventions on; migration for employment, abolition of forced labor, discrimination white employment and occupation spheres and finally the African union charter on human and people's rights on the rights of women in Africa. Zambia which has collaboration with IOM (international organization of migration) has been engaged with some programs such as; labor migration and development, Diaspora engagement, migration health and gender and migration research.

Zambia which has a large influx of Chinese immigrants due to bilateral trade between Zambia and china shows the immense south to south migration which has contributed to the economic benefits in much of the African countries. However, there have been in recent years cases of attacks by Zambians in the copper belt region against the Chinese who they believe do not respect the native Zambians nor afford them with good jobs benefiting those surrounding the Chinese run projects. Much of the migrants into Zambia are actually transit migrants who for example like the Somalis are on their way to South Africa republic. All visitors apart from members in the southern Africa region and Kenya can go into Zambia visa free however this is limited to 30 days until which one has to apply for an extended visa. Other migration variables are' temporary and self employment visa, student visa, visiting and employment visa (postel, 2015) unfortunately like many other countries Zambia has stringiest rules on migration such as this migrant should not deprive a Zambian of employment but yet again the possibility of a Zambian having the same qualification as this migrant may be high but yet again both having different ways of achieving goals and thus denying the migrant an opportunity to contribute effectively to the Zambian economy.

Much emphasis as mentioned earlier is on south to north migration and this is why not much studies has been done on a country like Zambia that attracts quite a large number of immigrants. According to the graph below it shows the openness of the Zambians towards immigration however Zambia is more open to migrants who are highly skilled than lowly skilled ones.

According to an IOM study carried out in 2009, there are between 17000 to 20000 irregular migrants from East and the horn of Africa who transit to South Africa through Zambia and often their human rights are violated. (United Nations Country Team Zambia, 2015) Majority of the refugees in Zambia originate from Angola, Burundi and Democratic republic of Congo who come as refugees and are estimated to be around 50000 in number (United Nations Country Team Zambia, 2015) and live in settlements in Mayukwayukwa near Kaoma and Meheba near Solwezi with minimal rights to movements or work which curtails their ability to effectively contribute positively to the Zambian economy. Not much research has been done on immigration to Zambia however a lot can be done to improve the migration policy in this country especially in such a time where south to south migration seems to be the best option for many.

3.3.1 Models for governing immigration in South Africa and Zambia

International organization for migration highlights a general model of how specific countries deal with immigration flow into their countries. In this case we have tailored the same model and to assess how.

Figure 7. Model of migration.

In the above image both Zambia and south Africa use this model to deal with migration but yet again their levels of how effectively they stick to their model. This is gauged through terms such as emerging, developed and mature.

Table 5. Model of migration.

3.4 Role of traditional institutions in shaping migration governance in their countries

Traditional institutions are an important tool in influencing the masses and the elective governments on the need to formulate good migration policies that benefit both the aliens and the country's economy. In a previous research done by the author of this thesis paper, he found that in both Zambia and South Africa these traditional systems of governance had much support from the citizens of these countries hence creating this air of legitimacy even if it was not enshrined in the constitution.

Traditional institutions have their own goals which ultimately is to gain more power from the government especially on administrative issues in which they believe was stolen from them thanks to colonialism. Taking an example of king zwelithini of the zulu kingdom who was accused of inciting xenophobic attacks on immigrants. This shows the strength these traditional institutions have and how this power can be harnessed for the good of all people. The main reason why some of these traditional institutions take such measures is because neo institutionalism believes in the forcing of institutions to conform to desires of their subjects or the environment in which they operate thus ensuring their legitimacy.

A good example of traditional systems at work is on the migration crisis between Togo and Ghana. But this crisis is divided into two. First the trade and interaction in pre colonial and colonial days between the Togolese and Ghanaians and so the Togolese learnt the art of farming cocoa which they introduced into their lands which had been sold off by other Togolese than moved into the cities. Some of the new land owners in cocoa growing areas in Togo were not original Togolese from the region and some were from Ghana and other countries having lived there for many years. The sky rocketing and profits made from the sale of cocoa brought back the original owners of these lands which caused conflict between them and the new land owners and the traditional chiefs acted as mediators where they ensured peace between the migrants and the locals.

The ability of the chiefs to protect immigrants was in Ghana where they protected many refugees and immigrants from deportation who gained access to Ghana through British colonialism. These migrants had been brought to work in Ghana and after independence had continued to live there but the government had to rely on the traditional institutions to root out these immigrants some of which received protection from the chiefs (Nathalie, 2016).

This in sense means chiefs or the traditional system of governance can be very effective. For example in Zambia and South Africa these influential kingdoms can create cohesion between the locals and immigrants by involving them in cultural events where there is interaction of different cultures so as to appreciate the diversity. These chiefs rely on taxes for salaries which are paid to the central government by the people and migrants can contribute to more revenue sources for the government and hence trickle down to the traditional governments. The traditional systems of governance have legitimacy from the people and this means they can maneuver their way around policy hurdles and influence polices that contribute to the best interest of its people.

Women who are also an important corner stone of the society should be used by the traditional institutions as they are a means to reach directly to the people in these countries and this is supported by Dr. Liubov (sciences, 2010-2013) where she denotes on the importance of women on the political elite stream in southern Africa and this combines with the ability of elites to remain in power for long through the elite succession and this in neo institutionalism theory advocates on the ability of the actors in these institutions to stay in power as they do not overstep the mandate of other shareholders in these institutions.

Conclusion

The researcher in this paper sought to answer a question on what way can representative and traditional systems cooperate in the field of policy making.The main goals were to simply determine how collaboration could be effectively used to promote immigration policies and integration of the citizens in host countries(Zambia and South Africa) with immigrants from other African nations such as Nigerians, Somalis, Ethiopians and Eritreans. The research problem was coined based on the fact that these two systems of policy making indeed did have collisions but yet again did collaborate in many fields which ensured their legitimacy.

The author intend to test his hypothesis that Traditional Institutions indeed were legitimate and their involvement with policy formulation could change the mindset of the people into accepting migrants. This hypothesis was later proved right.

The research found out that the theory of Neo- institutionalism was applicable in this case as these representative systems needed each other in order to maintain legitimacy and so the importance of respecting the silent rule of each other's existence is what ensured their survival.

The questions we set at the beginning are important for both South Africa and Zambia and their traditional leaders. We recognized through proven data that despite their collaboration with colonialist regimes such as the apartheid regimes in south Africa all these traditional authorities remained relevant and in some cases were empowered than before despite frequent trials by post independent governments in many post independent Africa countries to get rid of them. This is because they had termed them as a taint of the past to be forgotten. In the literature it is evident the legitimacy of these traditional institutions started many years ago before the advent of colonialism and traditional authority was the legitimate source of power for the African people and there was hierarchy in these authorities and devolvement of power. Legitimacy of the leaders was derived from their ability to provide the needs of the people such as water and fertility in the soil. Unfortunately during colonization the traditional authority was stripped off much of their power and became puppets and part of the local government, a position they held till after independence.Their collaboration with the colonialists made them a target of post independent governments however they could not be easily gotten rid off as they had the backing of the people. It is evident in Mozambique where after the abolishment of these traditional institutions, the government was forced to bring them back and constitutionally recognize them due to pressure from the people and in addition to this many government officials in many of these countries have sort opinion, direction and approval from these institutions in major policies. In some cases it has been proved the electoral power of these traditional institutions especially in the 2004 elections where the ANC government wielded to demands of these authorities in order to gain support for the elections.

Both representative and traditional institutions have been forced to work together where the government formulates policies and the traditional authority assists with implementing and where in some cases the traditional institutions are given more reign over resources such as land which is very important in Africa. A good example is Zambia where the traditional institutions own over 70 % of the Zambian land. In South Africa the traditional authority work with the municipality to source changes from the people at the grassroots level which in turn is used to formulate policies. In Zambia the traditional institutions have been used to implement education policies and the results have been evident by an increase in literacy levels of the Zambian people.

The research also proves that migration between countries in the global south is much higher than migration from global south to global north and the remittances are very important to both source and host countries and hence the need to enhance migration.

The research analyzed different surveys carried out by survey groups and by the author himself and came up with the conclusion that these traditional institutions gain much favor from the people than with local authorities and this implies the big impact these institutions can have if put on board regarding migration policies. Their ability to influence the masses is much more than could be expected. One very important part of the survey is when the ratings of these traditional institutions were higher in two South African provinces that do not have traditional authority structures. The surveys were culminated by an expert professor Oleg Kavykin who acknowledges the power these institutions wield and could be important as source of information and in implementation of strategies.

It was noted the reasons for selection of some destination by migrants was due to costs and distance from their homes and West Africans seem to prefer West Africa as a destination than other parts of Africa or world. The reasons for their emigration vary on issues such as security, food and in search for greener pastures. It is important for individual governments, regional institutions such as SADC, East Africa Community to come up with strategies that ensure sustainability of the citizens as well as improvement and adherence to the migration policies, conventions and protocols enacted under the African union and regional organizations.

Indeed traditional institutions have the power and legitimacy to influence migration policies and can be properly utilized to change the lives of the African people and reduce both migration from home countries while at the same time improving the lives of the migrants who fall into the shores. However many of these traditional institutions need to be empowered with education especially on matters of policy- making and implementation which will make them more productive and useful to their countries.

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