Постсоветский украинский радикальный суверенизм в сравнительной перспективе: ультранационалистические партии и этноцентричное негражданское общество
Электоральная слабость украинских правых радикалов. Электоральные успехи украинских правых партий в президентских выборах. Украинский ультранационалистический потенциал. Этноцентричное "негражданское общество". Социальная вовлеченность ультраправых.
| Рубрика | Политология |
| Вид | статья |
| Язык | русский |
| Дата добавления | 30.05.2022 |
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ультранационалистических активистов в муниципальные политику и гражданское общество неоднократно возникали случаи официального сотрудничества между некоторыми правительственными учреждениями, такими как Служба безопасности Украины, Министерство ветеранов Украины или местными органами власти, с одной стороны, и крайне правыми группировками, с другой (Strana.UA2020).
В целом Украина остается скорее положительным европейским исключением что касается недавного международного роста суверенизма. Она не только в 2019 г. включила в свою Конституцию цель вступления в ЕС и НАТО. Украина и отличается, пока-что, устойчивым иммунитетом ее избирателей в отношении ультраправых партий и, как результат, низкого влияния радикальных националистов на центральную политику в Киеве (Umland 2013b). Как, среди других, указывает Мыкола Рябчук, та поддержка, которой исторические и современные ультранационалистические лидеры и организации пользуются в украинском обществе, часто не столько связана с расизмом и тоталитаризмом их идеологии, сколько с их жесткой позицией и жертвенной борьбой за независимость Украины (Riabchuk 2016; Ryabchuk 2017). Тем не менее, то, что после «Революции достоинства» общественное присутствие «негражданских» групп в украинской местной и культурной жизни в некоторых аспектах выросло,настораживает. Дифференциация организационного и
интеллектуального спектра украинского правого радикализма с 2014 года продолжается (Rabe 2019).
К тому же, к началу 2021 года наметился некий относительный рост популярности партийного правого радикализма. Правда, от этой тенденций пока выигрывает только партия «Свобода». В таблицах пресс-релизов Киевского международного института социологии (КМИС) другие праворадикальные партии часто даже не упоминаются. К февралю 2021 года «Свобода» приблизилась в опросе КМИСа к своему результату на парламентских выборах 2014 года.
Таблица 2: Рейтинг партии «Свобода» на гипотетических выборах в Верховную Раду Украины (Hrushets'kyy 2021)
|
Декабрь 2020 г. |
Январь 2021 г. |
Февраль 2021 г. |
|||||
|
среди всех респ-ов |
среди тех, кто определился |
среди всех респ-ов |
среди тех, кто определился |
среди всех респ-ов |
среди тех, кто определился |
||
|
«Свобода» |
1,8% |
2,8% |
2,3% |
3,6% |
2,9% |
4,4% |
Вышеперечисленные явления и растущее общественное уважение к историческому украинскому ультранационализму - в первую очередь, к бандеровской фракции Организации украинских националистов 1940-х годов - представляют собой новые взаимодействующие характеристики современной украинской общественной жизни (Umland &Yurchuk2017-2021). Они, как и другие политически неоднозначные тенденции, тесно связаны с гибридной войной России против Украины с 2014 года (Fedor2015). В своей сумме они представляют собой проблематичные черты постмайданной Украины, несущие в себе опасность, как дестабилизации внутри украинского государства, так и новых напряжений в международных отношениях Киева (Umland 2016c; Bornio 2018). В самом худшем случае не исключено, что Украина в будущем может последовать за недавними антилиберальными поворотами других стран Центрально-Восточной Европы.
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