"Protest Publics" in Russia in 2011–2015: Moving from non-conventional to conventional channels of public interests representation (cases of Moscow and Saint Petersburg)

As a consequence, one of the characteristics of a public is diversity: the identities of members of a public are diverse, however there has to be unity in terms of «common understanding of the future world» (Warner, p. 82).

We have the following principle: «Friends! We are all different.» We've got 5 coordinators, 20 supervisors in different districts. We've got almost 50 thousand citizens of Saint Petersburg in our group. It's obvious that our members are very diverse in terms of different things. But! Let's make it this way: political views and personal beliefs have to be left aside. We act together in order to solve city area problems, make our society better eventually. Let's concentrate on this! We all want to live in a decent country, have decent streets, lawns, parks… We want Russia to become a nice country to live in. (male, 1981, higher education, 12.02.2016, Saint Petersburg)

According to Michael Warner, «Public is constituted through mere attention… it's a virtual entity that lacks institutional structure» (Warner, p. 60). As it was previously stated, most of local activist groups are unregistered but stable formations, the activity of which evolves as a response to some action or inaction of authorities.

«Beautiful Petersburg» cannot be called an organization. Every organization has to be registered. We are not registered. We are a formation, not an organization. (male, 1987, higher education, 26.02.2016, Saint Petersburg)

The activity of local activist groups is also conditioned by the renovation of the attention to certain discourses. The renovation of the attention to the discourse of «City area problems», for instance, happens due to the fact that such a broad discourse has a wide range of issues to cover and circulation of «troubling messages» occurs within this discourse itself: «Roads are in a poor condition!», «Playgrounds are not safe for children!», «There is no crosswalks on roads where it is required!», «There is no infrastructure for bicyclists!» According to Michael Warner, the very circulation of «troubling messages» or «texts» through time creates a public as a social space (Warner, p. 62), hence the lifetime of a local activist group (as we imply that it's a public) is framed by this circulation: if circulation of «texts» within a certain discourse slows down or stops, the attention to the discourse starts being missed and an activist group faces disintegration because as a public it's «constituted through mere attention» (Warner, p. 60).This assumption helps to explain the fact that the life period of different local activist groups in different spheres of public activity that were formed on the tide of mass protests of 2010s was different.

3.2 Mechanism of transformation of protest publics' activity

Mass rallies started in 2011 formed a new perception regarding a collective action itself in the Russian society. The role that the rallies and experience of observation of the elections played resulted into the fact that the collective action started to be perceived as something normal and even attractive. Massive mobilization was not just a result of the structural conditions or dominance of certain collective identities, but also the event which mattered on a personal level: it inspired the participants for further public activities, made an impact on formation of new identities.

The analysis of the process of transformation of protest publics' activity into conventional forms of civil participation should be started with the reasons which incentivized the transformation. The first reason was de-actualization of the discourse of «Electoral fraud» in late spring 2012 after both parliamentary and presidential elections had been conducted. The discourse of «Electoral fraud» which evolved in December, 2011 managed to summon a great number of people into protest publics, however this discourse was over along with the two electoral campaigns. Some of those publics summoned around the discourse of «Electoral fraud» decided to preserve the experience of the collective action and the unity, signified by the mass mobilization. However in order to preserve this unity, their re-formation had to occur around a different discourse.

The second reason for transformation of protest publics' activity into conventional forms of civil participation was higher attractiveness of the paradigm of «Small real deeds» in comparison with protest activity. Some of the people who participated in protest publics' activity came to conclusion that protest, as a form of public interests representation was too politicized and not effective in fulfillment of needs for tangible changes.

When you understand what it [protest action] is about, when you agree with it - probably it's a good instrument. One day I thought that attendance of protest actions is pointless, then - I understood that there are almost no other ways to express our position. However… When protest actions are just about shouting out - they are pointless. I'm for real deed and «Beautiful Petersburg» is the example of it. I think we're a group that acts, does some tangible things. (female, 1984, higher education, 19.02.2016, Saint Petersburg)

However many of these people didn't intend to stop their civil participation: it was continued in a form of local activist groups oriented at solution of concrete problems on local level. The paradigm of «Small real deeds» accumulated various discourses or topics for concern (such as observation of municipal authorities' activity; informing the locals about problems in a district and activity of administration; issues with cars and traffic (problems with personal usage of cars and vehicles in a city, various logistic issues); improvement of city areas (problems with illegal constructions, protection or restoration of parks and recreation areas, waste collection, city area adjustment); preservation of historical look of a city (protection of historical buildings and areas); animal protection (protection of stray animals in city areas); children issues (health and social services for children, pre-school and school education problems); charity and support of vulnerable groups (both financial and non-financial assistance to orphans, elderly and homeless people) around which local activist groups started being formed.

Another reason to change the channel of public interest representation from non-conventional to conventional one was a significant change in social atmosphere happened after a severe suppression of the protest action on Bolotnaya Square on 6 May, 2012 in Moscow, massive arrests and initiation of «Bolotnaya Case». From December, 2011 till May, 2012 a great number of people who came out on streets in order to participate in protest actions against the frauds during the elections could feel certain level of freedom, hope for responsiveness of the authorities and consequent changes. After the events on 6 May, 2012 a significant number of people that constituted protest publics became not only out of any hope for changes from above, but also scared to continue participating in protest actions.

The final reason which favored the development of conventional channels of public interest representation was the re-actualization of such an activist practice as observation of the election process. The topic of fair elections was largely brought up by people who had experience as observers on elections 2011-2012 and significant number of these people had never been involved in any public activities before. After taking part in observation of the election process, the former observers gained solid potential for being publicly active, started searching for new forms of public activity such as foundation of local activist groups. These people often composed a core of activist groups, which were later joined by ordinary participants of protest actions and other sympathetic people, who didn't take part in activity of protest publics.

Initially the majority of members of «Beautiful Petersburg» consisted of the people who had been involved in observation of the election process and rallies «For free and fair elections». But gradually more and more people not concerned with the politics started to join us. At the initial stage… The fact that the rallies «For free and fair elections» united people… It became a kind of a bonus for «Beautiful Petersburg». At that stage the majority of our future members got united in the course of the rallies «For free and fair elections». (male, 1987, higher education, 26.02.2016, Saint Petersburg)

The next important step in tracing the process of transformation of protest publics' activity into conventional forms of civil participation is the analysis of the motives that incentivized former participants of protest publics to form or join local activist groups (local issue-oriented publics). The primary motive that stimulated individuals to form or join local activist groups and thereby become activists themselves was personal interest for dealing with a certain issue.

It's important to notice that personal interest in its meaning doesn't equal personal gain. Personal interest is more about a problem or dissonance faced by a person which became a motive to act, get involved into certain activity. It can be some circumstances that happened with a person directly, or with his relatives and friends. Any person always chooses a field for his or her activity according to personal perceptions, peculiarities, habits and preferences. Personal interest or a problem, actualized by personal interest is a significant stimulating factor in the basis of any kind of activism.

At the very beginning there was no idea to organize any movement or group. It all was very trivial - I faced a problem in my neighborhood. The point is that a shop that sold alcohol 24 hours was opened there. Drunkards started to meet up there, shout out and fight… I collected signatures of my neighbors and brought them to our district police officer and municipality. So that shop was closed in 2 weeks… Then I noticed potholes on roads, broken playground and lawns, so I decided to write a couple of letters to municipality as well… In 2-3 weeks I saw the potholes being repaired. And at this very moment I realized that I can make the officials work and improve things around me using such a simple method. (male, 1981, higher education, 12.02.2016, Saint Petersburg)

For most of the people, who decided to get involved into activities of local publics there was no dilemma, for example, either to do observation of municipal authorities' activity or be concerned with city area problems. Some people end up involved in one activity, some in a different one, independently from objective necessity in favor of one or another - members of activist groups are driven by their own interests, perceptions and judgments about their own utility. However, even though personal interest is one of the basic factors not only for activism, but also for formation of civil society in general, there is almost always a certain point when a person recognizes his personal interest as a part of group or social interest - hence starts to act in cooperation with other people as a group.

My basic principle is exclusively selfish - I do something for myself because I want to live in a nice city. I do it not because I want to bring good to people, but because I'm a citizen of this city myself and I want to make it better. And I want the others to have the same kind of idea, I want them to do it for themselves or for the future of their children. As a matter of fact, people live for themselves and making the area around you comfortable is a good thing. But when you can't make it alone, it's logical to group up with the others for the sake of making it and act all together. That's how it is. (male, 1987, higher education, 26.02.2016, Saint Petersburg)

The other motives (or factors) that incentivized former participants of protest publics to get involved into conventional practices of collective action can be defined as following:

· Endorsement of social activity by relatives and friends

All my relatives and friends support my activity and interests. However I understand that it's a very narrow social stratum. Nevertheless I have such a circle of contacts. I get really surprised when I meet people that have totally opposite views. (female, 1984, higher education, 19.02.2016, Saint Petersburg)

· Presence of success stories in public space

When people just start forming an activist group aimed at solution of a certain problem it's very important to know that the others were able to achieve certain results in the same sphere. Presence of success stories in public space helps to avoid the feeling that their initiative can be hopeless.

We as a group of 10 people were able to solve 50-60 cases in 3 months - March - May, 2012. Playgrounds got repainted, trees and bushes got planted, lawns got refurbished… So the process got started and we shared these results in the internet. And I received lots of comments like: «I've got the same kind of a problem! How did you solve it? What did you do?» So I explained how we managed to do it, who we contacted, what kind of complaints we wrote. (male, 1981, higher education, 12.02.2016, Saint Petersburg)

· Endorsement of social activity in public space and demand for such kind of social activity

If the first experience of social activity of an activist group was demanded by society, in most of the cases such an activist practice is going to be continued on a permanent basis. It's one of the most powerful factors which persuade members of a local activist group to keep on their activity and supporters to join the activist group.

It happened in July, 2012… «Election observers of Petersburg» offered us to arrange a press-conference and tell about our activity. It happened in a press-club called «Green Lamp». About 50-60 people came there! Can you imagine? It's incredible! This bunch of people heard what I told them and they were like: «Let me help with this! Let me help with that! Let's arrange a public action!» (male, 1981, higher education, 12.02.2016, Saint Petersburg)

· Possession of certain connections (relatives, friends) with activist environment by a person who is not currently involved in activism

Valentina [one of the five coordinators of «Beautiful Petersburg»] joined as in summer 2012. She was also previously involved in the observation of the election process. One of her friends from «Election observers of Petersburg» told her about «Beautiful Petersburg» and invited to the photo-walk arranged by us for participation in a team which would deal with the preparation of applications to authorities regarding city area problems. After this experience she got interested and started to help us with everything. That's how she became an active member of our group. (male, 1987, higher education, 26.02.2016, Saint Petersburg)

· Previous life experience

Probably my love for the city along with the fact that I spent all my life in the cities that have their historical heritage and value influenced my personality. I spent my early childhood in one of the Eastern European cities. I lived in the historical centre surrounded by respective type of architecture. I didn't know that it can be different. (male, 1987, higher education, 26.02.2016, Saint Petersburg)

My social activity started with my work in a student unit when I was a student myself… The experience of work there gave me a lot in terms of management skills improvement. I learnt how to get along with people, manage their activity and make them work in a group. The experience of that work now helps me a lot both in my current work and social activity. (female, 1984, higher education, 19.02.2016, Saint Petersburg)

· Availability of already created infrastructure and tools

For those people who want to participate in initiatives of an activist group but due to some personal traits cannot be initiators or leaders themselves, the availability of already created «infrastructure» and tools for activism realization is very important: it ensures their inclusion into activist practices.

One of the guys who helped us to deal with the preparation of applications to authorities regarding city area problems was a programmer. He said that he could make a website in order to simplify the procedure of sending complaints to the authorities. The idea was that a user marks the location of the problem on the map, makes a picture of the problem, the website automatically generates the application to the authorities and the only thing that the user has to do is just to click on «send» button. We called the website красивыйпетербург. рф and launched it in August, 2012. For the first two weeks 1000 complaints were sent via our website… In 2014 the mobile application for iOS and Android called «Krasivyi Mir» was launched by us. It all became even simpler with it: 2-3 clicks on your phone and you submit an official complaint to the authorities! It's all free! Take it, do our country better! (male, 1981, higher education, 12.02.2016, Saint Petersburg)

The analysis of the process of transformation of protest publics' activity into conventional forms of civil participation should be continued with the tools which favored the transformation. The formation of local issue-oriented publics and realization of their civil initiatives is closely interrelated with the development of online public sphere. Since 2011, the activist environment in Russia was already supplemented by the practice of internet based activism and wider usage of internet technologies applicable to offline initiatives. Wide spread of Internet made social spaces of all levels more complicated, provided more freedom and flexibility to civil activists, secured the access to new audiences and specialists, became an effective channel of information reception and distribution.

Online public sphere not only made an impact on activists, but also on activist environment in general. It also incentivized part of the activists to work on their virtual image, become more transparent and accessible. The internet environment for activism is characterized by its anonymity, diversity and prone to dynamic changes and adaptive capacity. It also should be mentioned that internet based activist initiatives are significantly dependant on the active position of the initiator: virtual community or group often only supports and joins an initiative, but rarely can bare organizational costs of the initiator.

There are 50 thousand people in our group [in vk.com]. Regarding «activists» among these people… Of course not all 50 thousand people are real activists that ready to go somewhere and do something. However it's 50 thousand people who are interested in life of the city and ready to influence it in a certain way. Speaking about our website - красивыйпетербург. рф, there are up to 20 thousand active users that submit petitions… 99% of people are lazy. They don't want to do anything. Some of them can support the idea, but most of them are not ready to go somewhere, take some notes, search for the websites of the officials, fill in some complicated forms. People don't agree with it and that's right. That's why we gave them a simple tool [красивыйпетербург. рф] for activity. (male, 1987, higher education, 26.02.2016, Saint Petersburg)

A special role among various practices of internet based activism belongs to social networks (Facebook.com, vk.com) and particularly to the opportunity to create virtual communities, which can be considered as one of the major element of the mechanism of transformation of public - a set of active individuals with similar «personal interests» into an activist group. Such virtual communities fulfill several crucial tasks for successful functioning of activist groups:

· Recruitment of new supporters and activists, communication with the audience

The guys [the founders of «Beautiful Petersburg»] just got acquainted, they dealt with the problems of urban area in their district, tried to get along with municipal authorities… They created a virtual community in vk.com and made a post suggesting arrangement of a walk with the aim of taking pictures of problems of urban area in different districts. They also asked to upload these pictures into the virtual community in order to make possible for them to send e-mails to the administration… During the weekend [July 14-15, 2012] about 2500 pictures were received… Lots of people became members of the community that time. (female, 1984, higher education, 19.02.2016, Saint Petersburg)

· Information distribution

We have some kind of a rule that we make two posts every 24 hours - one is during daytime and the other one is in evenings. Once we analyzed when people read their news feeds most and found out these periods of time. Hence we make our posts that time in order to embrace maximum of people. (male, 1987, higher education, 26.02.2016, Saint Petersburg)

· Coordination of activities

There are 5 coordinators. We have our own chat where deal with various issues. Two people are responsible for updates in our virtual community… I contact media, some people make researches and some people take care of the website… I really want the people who initiate some activities to grow on a personal level, have opportunity to interact both with media and officials. (male, 1981, higher education, 12.02.2016, Saint Petersburg)

During the last decade along with the development of internet based activism, new activist practices appeared which could be entirely realized in internet environment (fundraising, signing petitions, submission of complaints to authorities, etc.) Internet facilities also provided the environment for existence of various activist communities and projects which could only exist in virtual form due to impossibility of their offline realization because of different reasons such as high necessity for anonymity of participants or their low capability of offline communication. Internet also appeared to be a tool for certain activities that just never existed before, such as monitoring of election process via web cameras. However generational asymmetry among the people who elaborate internet based activist practices exists: activist groups that grow up out of internet communities struggle to incorporate people of mature age because of their small share in social networks and online public space in general.

I'm 34 years old however I feel like I'm under 30. People around me are from 25 till 35 years old, that's the major age group in our activist group. Two thirds of people are under 35. (male, 1981, higher education, 12.02.2016, Saint Petersburg)

Finalizing the analysis of the process of transformation of protest publics' activity into conventional forms of civil participation, it is also important to examine the principles on the basis of which online based activist groups function. These principles can be defined as following:

· Absence of hierarchy

· Self-regulation

· Mutual agreement

· Common shared values

Successful functioning of a virtual community is much less dependent on a certain hierarchy within the group than realization of «offline» projects. Social status of activists is almost unknown online which makes their interaction more fluent and productive. At first stages some initial basic rules are probably required, but then the mechanism of self-regulation starts functioning within online community and its members.

Nobody distributes tasks and duties among our members. The structure [of management] is still horizontal, as it initially was. Indeed, there are 5 coordinators who are just the people looking after the virtual community, website, working with media. Our members who solve their city area problems locally in their districts act independently; they come up with various initiatives which we help to promote via media and internet recourses. (male, 1987, higher education, 26.02.2016, Saint Petersburg)

The absence of hierarchy favors activists' decision making, which happens on the basis of mutual agreement and common shared values.

«Beautiful Petersburg» has a definite goal which was formulated initially in 2012 - make the city comfortable for people to live in. This is absolutely clear and understandable goal for everyone; the goal that can be accomplished. (male, 1987, higher education, 26.02.2016, Saint Petersburg)

However the result of purely internet based activism is not always as clear as in classic project oriented approach of offline activism. Quantitative parameters, such as number of new members recruited into virtual community, number of visitors, «likes» and reposts - it's not a primary goal.

There are some people who only write some comments in our virtual community, but do not do anything themselves. Nevertheless I think it can be considered as the first little step towards social activity. If you write about something it means that you're not indifferent. Probably you can get to the next stage and become a «real activist». (female, 1984, higher education, 19.02.2016, Saint Petersburg)



Conclusion

Analyzing the transformation of protest publics' activity, the analysis has to be started with the examination of nature of protests in Russia in 2011-2015. In attempt to define the origin of the mass protests, first, the empirical tool provided by «Social Movement Theory» described in the first chapter was used. After the analysis of the mass protests of 2011-2015 in Russia within «Social Movement Theory» framework, it can be concluded that this conventional theoretical model with its main assumption that in order to consider a series of protest actions as a movement, there have to be associations that have to perform as the basis of a movement, faces difficulties in explanation of the very emergence of the protests and hence has a limited application to the protests of 2011-2015 in Russia.

Because of the fact the protests of 2011-2015, unlike protest movements of the previous years, can hardly be defined on the basis of joint single campaign, common identity of participants and unified program addressed to the target audience, the research task to test that the protests in Russia in 2011-2015 were protest publics' activity was posed. In order to test this assumption, the empirical tool provided by «Theory of Publics» described in the first chapter was used. After the analysis of the mass protests of 2011-2015 in Russia within «Theory of Publics» framework, it can be concluded that the protesters were organized in a form of «protest publics», not a «movement» due to several reasons.

Protest publics in Russia in 2011-2015 were self-organized and formed around discourses. The self-organization of the protest publics occurred independently from both any state institutions and pre-existing organizational forms such as civil associations or NGOs: it happened through discourses (of «Electoral fraud», «Infringement of rights», «Anti-war» and other), not through any formal frameworks. The protesters were «strangers» united through the participation in the protest actions and the same discourses. Even though the identities within the protest publics were diverse due to the «relations among strangers» nature, it's important to mention that the overall identity of the protest publics was democratic.

The public address made by the protesters could be considered as «impersonal appeal to strangers in order to provoke public discourse» (Warner, p. 58), however unlike a protest movement that must have its protest campaign with concrete claims to the target group, the protest publics had neither straight claims nor concrete target of the claims. The activity of the protest publics was significantly conditioned by the renovation of the attention to the existed discourses, until the actuality of the certain discourse was over. However a new discourse could not arise irrelatively of the previous one: the reflexive circulation of «texts» or «troubling messages» enabled to establish a link between previous and current discourses.

The next research task which was posed was to test that protest publics transform into local activist groups which can be considered as «publics». Different nature of local activist groups formed on the tide of mass protests of 2010s posed the question of identification of the new phenomenon. In order to explain their origin, the theoretical concept of «public» developed within «Theory of Publics» was used. After the consideration of such local activist groups within «Theory of Publics» framework, it can be concluded that they can be considered as «publics».

Local activist groups formed on the tide of mass protests of 2010s, as well as the protest publics of 2011-2015 were self-organized and formed around discourses. The discourse of «Small real deeds» which emphasized the importance of concrete result that could be achieved via activist practices on local level, favored the formation of local activist groups (local publics) aimed at solution of concrete problems on local level. In terms of ability for self-organization, formed activist groups and protest publics of 2011-2015 were much alike, which made it possible to interrelate these two forms of public interests representation in terms of succession: the formation of local activist groups occurred independently from both any state institutions and pre-existing organizational forms.

The participants of local activist groups are «strangers» united around a certain discourse (such as «City area problems», for example) and through the participation in the same kind of activity. Due to the «relations among strangers» nature of local activist groups, the identities of the participants within them are diverse, however the unity among them in terms of «common understanding of the future world» (Warner, p. 82) is evident. Local activist groups as «publics» are constituted through mere attention; they are virtual entities that lack institutional structure (Warner, 2002). The activity of local activist groups is conditioned by the renovation of the attention to certain discourses. Hence most of local activist groups are unregistered but stable formations, the activity of which evolves as a response to some action or inaction of authorities.

The final research task which was posed was to describe the elements of the mechanism of transformation of protest publics' activity: reasons, motives, tools, principles of transformation. The analysis of the process of transformation of protest publics' activity into conventional forms of civil participation was started with the reasons which incentivized the transformation. The reasons were defined as following:

· De-actualization of the discourse of «Electoral fraud»

· Higher attractiveness of the paradigm of «Small real deeds» in comparison with protest activity

· Significant change in social atmosphere happened after a severe suppression of the protest action on Bolotnaya Square on 6 May, 2012

· Re-actualization of such an activist practice as observation of the election process

The next important step in tracing the process of transformation of protest publics' activity into conventional forms of civil participation was the analysis of the motives that incentivized former participants of protest publics to form or join local activist groups (local issue-oriented publics). The motives (or factors) were defined as following:

· Personal interest

· Endorsement of social activity by relatives and friends

· Presence of success stories in public space

· Endorsement of social activity in public space and demand for such kind of social activity

· Possession of certain connections (relatives, friends) with activist environment by a person who is not currently involved in activism

· Previous life experience

· Availability of already created infrastructure and tools

The analysis of the process of transformation of protest publics' activity into conventional forms of civil participation was continued with the tools which favored the transformation. These tools were defined as following:

· Practices of internet based activism applicable to offline initiatives (such as fundraising, signing petitions, submission of complaints to authorities, monitoring of election process via web cameras)

· Virtual communities in social networks

Finalizing the analysis of the process of transformation of protest publics' activity into conventional forms of civil participation, the principles of transformation were examined. These principles were defined as following:

· Absence of hierarchy

· Self-regulation

· Mutual agreement

· Common shared values

The identification and description of the elements of the mechanism of transformation of protest publics' activity into conventional forms of civil participation conducted in this research can be considered as an attempt to answer the question of how protest publics transform their activity from non-conventional to conventional forms of civil participation.



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