Five Anastasia and two Febroniae: a guided tour in the maze of Anastasia legends

¹⁶ Relevant are the entries dedicated to Chrysogonus on November 24 (J. Dubois, G. Renaud [31, p. 213]) and to Anastasia on December 25 [31, p. 1]. They clearly refer to LLA when connecting Anastasia with Chrysogonus; this fact was noticed already by H. Quentin [71, pp. 58-60], where he discussed as well the entries of Theodota on August 2 [31, p. 142], Agape and Chionia on April 1 [31, p. 57], and Irene on April 5 [31, p. 58]. However, the entries of Chrysogonus and Anastasia (that allude to the Sondergut of the Aquileian recension), as well as that of Theodota, belong to the part of the Martyrologium preserved in late and highly interpolated manuscripts only; cf. Quentin [71, pp. 18-19, 114-119]; J. Dubois [30, pp. 38-39]. Therefore, one could not be absolutely certain that these entries in their present form were written by Beda. However, even if they are completely genuine, they are sufficiently late not to affect our dating of the Aquileian recension of LLA.

¹⁷ See her study of the entire dossier in C. Lanery [50, pp. 388-390, 435-445]. This study of the written documents must be completed with a study of archaeological data (especially the grave discovered in San Canzian d'Isonzo in 1965, which, very plausibly, contained the authentic relics of the two brothers Cantiani and their sister) by Andrea Tilatti [86] (Tilatti, however, does not take into account Lanery's study of the hagiographical dossier). In turn, I was unable to consult the study by Valeria Mattaloni referred to by Tilatti [59].

¹⁸ C. Lanery [50, p. 437]: “La Passion 1 fut donc redigee entre la fin de l'Antiquite et le IXe siecle (premiers manuscrits de BHL 1544, 1545, et 1547).” She demonstrates that recension BHL 1545 is the earliest; recension BHL 1547, ascribed to Ambrosius of Milan, is Milanese, whereas all other recensions are Aquileian [50, pp. 435-441, 442-444]. This conclusion allows to explain the variability of commemoration dates in the Martyrologium Hieronymianum, where the Cantiani are commemorated on May 31 (in some manuscripts May 30) and June 14 (in some manuscripts June 15 or 17). As Victor Saxer noticed, only BHL 1547 has June 14, whereas other recension of Passion 1 has May [78, p. 379]. Thus, the date May 31 that was considered as the genuine one by Delehaye must be Aquileian, whereas June 14, must be Milanese.

¹⁹ Sermo 15 in the critical edition by Almut Mutzenbecher [61, pp. 57-58]. This sermon was pronounced on the commemoration day of the saints (Hodie beatissimorum Canti, Cantiani et Cantianillae natalis est, p. 57), but this date is unknown. Later their commemoration days were May 31 (this date goes back, at least, to their cult in Grado, where, in the second half of the sixth century, their relics were translated) and June 14, 15, and 17 (these dates are connected with commemorations of the Aquileian martyrs Protus and Chrysogonus); cf. Delehaye, Quentin [26, p. 284].

²⁰ Victor Saxer supposed that this sermon is fragmentary, and the final part containing the description of the martyrdom proper and the sepulture is lost [78, p. 377].

²¹ Ed. by L. Bethmann and G. Waitz [96, p. 78]. For the date of Paul's Historia, cf. R. McKitterick [62, p. 77].

²² Cf. esp. a detailed study by Emanuela Colombi: [17, pp. 769-775].

²³ Cf. Colombi [17, pp. 767-768].

²⁴ In the actual Aquileian context, this saint was not simply a symbol of the Council of Chalcedon (as she became in the early sixth century already in

Constantinople) but a symbol of the “tricapitoline” defence of the Chalcedon against those who condemned the Three Chapters at the Constantinopolitan Council of 553. Cf. an observation by Giorgia Vocino [91, p. 274, n. 6].

²⁵ Vita Sancti Martini, IV, 658-659: Aut Aquileiensem si fortasse accesseris urbem, / Cantianos Domini nimium venereris amicos (“Or if you reach the city of Aquileia, / You will venerate very much the Cantiani, Lord's friends”); the latest edition: [90]. For the date of the poem, I follow Michael Roberts [73, p. 199].

²⁶ I believe that this is the main reason why the actual grave of the Cantiani was forgotten. Tilatti [86, pp. 778-779], cautiously supposes that their “old” relics were still venerated at their home in the thirteenth century, because, near their grave in San Canzian d'Isonzo, there was found a coin minted by Arlongo, who was the bishop of Trieste from 1261 to 1281. This coin, however, proves nothing beside the fact that the site itself was not abandoned. Indeed, it has never ceased to be a cultic place related to the Cantiani, as is testified by the village's name and the small church of St Cantianus still standing near the site of the historical grave. The local population, of course, might have been confident for a long time that they had the true relics of the Cantiani. Nevertheless, for the mainstream religious life of Aquileia, the situation must have been different. I would propose, as a terminus ante quem for the falling into oblivion of the actual grave of the Cantiani, the sacking of Grado by Patriarch Poppo of Aquileia in 1024 (s. below), but even this date seems too late.

²⁷ Preserved withinthe Chronicon Benedictoburanum composed in this monastery; ed. by W. Wattenbach [84, pp. 225-226]. The story itself is one of those of furta sacra, with no special interest for us.

²⁸ See, for the details, Tilatti [86, pp. 779-786]. The relics of the martyr Protus were also discovered, because Protus was made a companion of the Cantiani already in the Passion 1. Lanery noticed that Protus arrived there from the Passio of Eugenia, where he was the mentor in Christianity of Eugenia, as, in Passion 1, he became the mentor of the Cantiani (cf. Lanery [50, pp. 437-438]). It is true for Protus as a character in the plot of Passion 1, but not for Protus as a saint. He is a historical martyr of Aquileia, probably the companion of Chrysogonus. In 1960, two early fourth-century sarcophagi, one with the name of Protus and another one with the name of Chrysogonus, were found under the small St Cantianus church in San Canziano di Isonza, less than 500 m from the site of the grave of the Cantiani; cf. Cuscito [21].

²⁹ Ed. Wattenbach [85, p. 225]. This fact was first properly noticed by Emanuela Colombi: [17, pp. 783-784].

³⁰ Cf. Delehaye, Quentin [26, pp. 612, 615, 618619]; cf. G. Cuscito [21, p. 260].

³¹ The Greek version, BHG 81, does not contain a mention of “a hidden place” but still preserves the structure with two endings, even though they are no longer contradictory (Halkin [42, p. 131]). The mention of “a hidden place” would have been omitted by either translator or editor of his Latin original.

³² F. Chausson [15, p. 140; 16, p. 127, n. 77]: “Faustus est le cognomen le plus characteristique des Anicii des IIIe-IVe siecles.”

³³ Quoted according to the earliest recension of Passion 1, BHL 1545 [6, cols. 438-442, quoted col. 438].

³⁴ See Historia Augusta in the Vita of his father Emperor Cams [80, p. 236]. Cf. Lellia Cracco Ruggini's study on the possible historical and ideological background of this claim of the author of Passion 1: [20, pp. 77-82].

³⁵ See, for an outline of the hagiographical dossier of Cosmas and Damian, M. van Esbroeck [36]. Quite recently, Daniela Motta has examined hagiographical references to Carinus comparing them with those in historiography [67].

³⁶ H. Brandenburg [9, pp. 174-175, esp. p. 175] (“Resta dubbio se la chiesa sia stata eretta prima o dopo il sacco di Roma di Alarico del 410”). Cf. M. Cecchelli [14, pp. 232-238].

³⁷ Although the most widespread scholarly viewpoint consists in discerning between the homonymous martyr of Aquileia and founder of the Roman titulus, who could have been not a martyr and even not a saint; cf. Cuscito [21] (with further bibliography).

³⁸ S. Diefenbach [28, S. 361, 368-369, 371-372]. Of course, Diefenbach's hypothesis that both cults of Chrysogonus and Anastasia were brought to Rome by Anicii, and both these saints were, in Rome, venerated together on the ground that they belonged to a group of Illyrian saints (see esp. [28, S. 353, 373-376]) seems to me inacceptable. Any guesses about pre-sixth- century connexions between the two cults are without any support in the sources. Nevertheless, I agree with Diefenbach's intuition that the cult of Anastasia became connected to Anicii. However, I attribute this connexion to the Aquileian editorial layer of LLA; cf. below.

³⁹ Expression by Alan Cameron [12, p. 167].

⁴⁰ See Cameron [12].

⁴¹ On Demetrias and her pious Christian female relatives, see: M. Gonsette [38]; A. S. Jacobs [44]; P. Laurence [55]; Anne N. Kurdock's unpublished thesis [48], which is mostly but not completely included in her article [49].

⁴² Diefenbach [28, S. 374] interpreted as an additional connection with the Anicians an inscription

ICUR I, 19 (CIL VI, 1712), now lost but described in the 17^th century as placed on a marble column near the main altar of the titulus Anastasia church in Rome: Clodius Adelfius v<ir> c<larissimus> ex praefectis urbis uxori incomparabili et sibi fecit (“Clodius Adelphius [85, pp. 192-193], the very famous man [i.e., senator], the former urban prefect [praefectus urbi in 351] made to his incomparable spouse and himself'). His spouse was the famous Roman poetess Proba who belonged to the clan of the Anicians; see, for the details: J.F. Matthews [60]. Diefenbach, following Rita Lizza Testa, noticed that the inscription is, by its wording, funerary, and, therefore, the column was made with no relation to any church; its use in the Anastasia church was certainly secondary. Nevertheless, Diefenbach writes: “Vielmehr dokumentiert die Inschrift - ebenso wie beim titulus Chrysogoni - auch beim titulus Anastasiae die Verbindung der gens Anicia zu einer auherromischen Heiligen und der Etablierung ihres Kult in Rom” [28, S. 374-375]. This conclusion would be correct under the (absurd) supposition that later Anicians donated to the church a column from a destroyed grave of their ancestors. Recently Hendrik A. Wagner has supported Diefenbach's supposition about the possible involvement of the Anicians in establishing the titulus Chrysogoni, whereas he remained silent about the titulus Anastasiae and the cult of Anastasia in general; cf. H. A. Wagner [95, S. 383-390, esp. S. 386].

⁴³ Let us recall that this panegyric in its second part, from ch. 11 (Kotter [46, S. 293]), is a recension of the Martyrdom of Anastasia and Theodota, slightly paraphrased; its first ten chapters are highly rhetorical but, nevertheless, not completely void of any biographical information.

⁴⁴ Delehaye [23, p. 255]: only a notice: Kai d0Xqmq ion aymu gapxnpo^ Xpuooyovou (“And the contest of the holy martyr Chrysogonos”). This commemoration is not retained in the Georgian translation, but, nevertheless, Chrysogonus is mentioned in the long entry of St Anastasia on December 22 [98, p. 104].

⁴⁵ [97, vol. 11, pp. 296-297]. The Armenian notice (repeated, beside the earliest translation, in two other recensions of the Armenian Synaxarium) contains an attempt of clarifying who this Chrysogonus was: “And (the commemoration) of the great martyr Krizikawn/ Krizikon in Rome and many disciples of him, who are called Chrysogenos/Xpuooyevo^/`Golden Family'.” The translator distinguished between “Krizikon” and Chrysogonus; the name of the latter is rendered almost exactly as ftnnrumqhhnu (Xrusugenos), but it is understood literally as “Golden Family”, thus evoking, as a folk etymology, the creation of imaginary disciples of Chrysogonus, who were allegedly martyrized with him; Aquileia as the martyrdom place remained unknown. The Armenian translator apparently tried to harmonise what he knew about “Krizikon” and what he read in the Greek Synaxarium about Chrysogonus. In the rather long epitome of the legend of Anastasia on December 22, the Armenian mentions Anastasia's teacher as ftnnrnnqnhnu “Chrysogonos” [97, vol. 12, p. 268], with a perfect spelling; the translator did not recognise in him the saint commemorated on November 24.

⁴⁶ L. Ryden [76, p. 20/21 (txt/tr.)]: ... (“...and behold, and old man vested in great glory accompanied by five women appeared there in full sight...”). Then, the elder is called oyeprav “elder”.

⁴⁷ V.B. Krys'ko [2, p. 512] (for the Greek and the Slavonic). Vat. gr. 2046 is a recension especially close to the lost Greek original of the Slavonic translation; the Slavonic translation was made in Bulgaria in the eleventh century.

⁴⁸ Cf. [23, pp. 333-334] and [97, vol. 12, p. 268] and [98, p. 104].

⁴⁹ For Lanery, however, Eutychianus is a layman [52, p. 58] - perhaps, because he has never been called priest or bishop explicitly.

⁵⁰ Ed. Moretti [66, p. 182], tr. Lapidge [54, p. 86].

⁵¹ Cf. Sotinel [82].

⁵² Th. Mommsen [64, p. 38], cf. Duchesne [32, p. 159], both in the apparatus criticus.

⁵³ See the latest edition, with the bibliography, in D. Trout [88, pp. 122-124, cf. 18-19]; cf. also [87]. For the date, see C. Carletti [13, p. 53].

⁵⁴ Ed. de Rossi and Duchesne [75, p. 85]. Delehaye considered and rejected a possibility of identity of this Eutyches with Eutychius from the Acta S. Secundi (BHL 7558) [27, p. 48].

⁵⁵ See, for the details, Carletti [13], where are summarised recent data from the excavations in the peripheral area of the cemetery of St Sebastian called ex Vigna Chiaraviglio.

⁵⁶ See, for the details, Carletti [13].

⁵⁷ See Delehaye's commentary in [26, p. 348]: Aegreprobanda coniectura, quia illius depositio incidit in diem 8 decembris.

⁵⁸ Cf. Carletti [13, p. 57]; in 1563, the marble plate was translated from the underground crypt to the overground basilica of St Sebastian. Obviously, by this time, the relics of the martyr had been considered lost.

⁵⁹ Ed. Moretti [66, p. 184]; tr.: Lapidge [54, p. 87].

⁶⁰ Ed. Duchesne [32, p. 159], ed. Mommsen [64, p. 38]; English tr. R. Davis [22, p. 11].

⁶¹ Namely, in the text having two titles (of whom only the second covers its contents): De locis sanctis martyrum quae sunt foris civitatis Romae. Ecclesiae quae intus Romae habentur. It is presently dated to the decade between 635 and 645 (by Lapidge [54, p. 662]). The relevant text is (within a relatively long list of the relics in the basilica): et in una sepultura sub altare maiore ccclxu. [ms B: ccclxii] “and in a unique grave under the major altar, 365 [362]” (sc., martyrs) (ed. by F. Glorie [43, p. 320].

⁶² Duchesne [32, p. 159, n. 2], with a reference to the edition by de Rossi [74, pp. 176-177].

⁶³ In the anonymous itinerary Notitia portarum, viarum, ecclesiarum circa urbem Romam included in liber IV, capp. 351 and 352 of the Gesta regum Anglorum by William of Malmesbury (three editions: 1120, 1128, 1140) at the Cucumber Hill are enumerated, among others, in uno sepulchro decenti sexaginta [thus manuscripts of families B and C; family A quadraginta], et in altero triginta “in one tomb, two hundred sixty [forty] and in another, thirty (martyrs)” (R. Valentini, G. Zucchetti [89, p. 143]; reprinted by F. Glorie [43, p. 325]; cf. translation, but without variant readings in (Lapidge [54, p. 665]). For the date of this itinerary, between 648 and 682, see Valentini, Zucchetti [89, pp. 134-135], where is approved the dating by di Rossi [75, p. 146]. The variant reading “240” with the next number 30 result in number 270 of two groups of anonymous martyrs. In LLA, there are also two groups, but 200 (men) and 70 (women). Two groups ad clivum Cucumeris are mentioned in the Passio recentior of Polychronius and those with him BHL 6884 (late 5^th or early 6^th century according to Delehaye [24, p. 71] or shortly after the aftermath of the “Laurentian schism”, 506-514, according to Lapidge [54, pp. 324-325], ch. 35, but there the distribution is 46 + 120; text in Delehaye [24, p. 98], tr. Lapidge [54, p. 347]). In the Passio of Marius and Martha BHL 5543 (chs 2-3 acc. to Lapidge's numeration), a unique group of 260 [variant reading 262] martyrs has been buried ad clivum Cucumeris (I. Bollandus, G. Henschenius [4, p. 216]), commented tr. In Lapidge [54, pp. 426427, cf. 422-423]. The number 260 coincides with the number of the martyrs in one group reported by the Notitia portarum according to the majority of manuscripts, whereas the number 240 could be easily derived from it due to a scribal error (CCXL pro CCLX). Nevertheless, there is a solid argumentation in favour of the reading “262” (and not “260”) as genuine for BHL 5543: Lanzoni [53, pp. 510-512], supported by Delehaye, Quentin [26, p. 571]. Cf. also, on these numbers, L. Spera [83]. For the Cucumber Hill and its catacombs, so far unidentified, see bibliography in Lapidge [54, p. 347, fn. 115].

⁶⁴ Moretti [66, p. 180]: Impositis ergo ad centum viginti [some manuscripts add ferme “nearly”] hominibusreis in navi...; tr. Lapidge [54, p. 86] follows the critical edition: “With nearly one hundred and twenty guilty persons placed in the ship...”.

⁶⁵ Cf. Delehaye, Quentin [26, p. 571], Delehaye [24, p. 69], and Spera [83, p. 372].

⁶⁶ See, for the whole dossier of the collective graves of the Roman martyrs, mostly anonymous, Lanzoni [53, pp. 510-512], Delehaye, Quentin [26, p. 571], and Spera [83].

⁶⁷ Mateos [58, p. 140] = Dmitrievskiy [1, p 32] = Delehaye [23, p. 328] in all recensions including H*, but, in some manuscripts, these saints are mentioned on December 18 [23, pp. 321, 325].

⁶⁸ Ed. Delehaye [23, pp. 202-204, cf. 199]; commemorated already in Mateos [58, p. 94] = Dmitrievskiy [1, p. 21]. Their full Passio is lost.

⁶⁹ Edition by G. Henschenius, D. Papebrochius [5, cols. 6-13]; commented tr.: Lapidge [54, pp. 201-227]; cf. also a commentary by Lanery [52, pp. 113-125].

⁷⁰ Edition by H. Achelis [3].

⁷¹ As has been established by F. Schaefer, whose study of the text is still indispensable [79].

⁷² On her, see especially P. Pergola [70]. For their avatars in the Byzantine monothelete hagiography related to Rome, see B. Lourie [57].

⁷³ Hieronymus, Epistula CVIII, 7; I. Hilberg [77, p. 312]; written in 404.

⁷⁴ Lanery [52, pp. 123-125], Lapidge [54, p. 210]; not all their arguments for a pre-sixth-century date are equally convincing.

⁷⁵ The difference is explained as a scribal error (confusion between XVI and XVIII) in Delehaye, Quentin [26, p. 465].

⁷⁶ Text and translation from Trout [88, pp. 122123].

⁷⁷ See already de Waal [94, p. 270]; for a larger context, see M. Ghilardi [37].

⁷⁸ Ed. Henschenius, Papebrochius [5, p. 11]; tr. Lapidge [54, p. 221].

⁷⁹ Ed. Henschenius, Papebrochius [5, p. 11]; tr. Lapidge [54, p. 221].

⁸⁰ The grave of Eutyches was at the 16^th or 18^th mile from Rome on the Via Nomentana (see above), that of Victorinus, at the 60^th mile of the Via Salaria, and that of Maro, at the 130^th mile of the Via Salaria.

⁸¹ B. de Graiffier [39]; cf. also B. de Graiffier [40; 41].

⁸² Enumerated in Lanery [52, pp. 55-56], who considers them as referring to LLA.

⁸³ Cf. criticisms Dunn [35] answered by de Vogue[93].

⁸⁴ Cf. de Vogue [92, pp. 216-217]. According to de Vogue [92, p. 217], “Scriptura ne fait pas plus allusion que libri au caractere `scripturaire' de l'muvre”. I would rather say that the author of the Regula shared the common understanding of the

Byzantine Commonwealth that the biblical canons are not exhaustive lists of inspired writings.

⁸⁵ C. Lanery [51]. The dissenting view was expressed by Kate Cooper, who placed this work into “the period between Valentinian III (425-455) and Theoderic the Great (493-526), and probably in the reign of Theoderic” [19, p. 44-45 et passim], She promised, in 2007 (before the publication of Lanery's article), to publish an elaborated study with substantiation of this view, but has never published it.

⁸⁶ Ed. K.-D. Daur [7, pp. 198-199]; translation: Cooper [19, pp. 246-247].

⁸⁷ Text: Moretti [66, p. 184]; tr.: Lapidge [54, p. 87].

⁸⁸ Including Moretti [66, pp. 25-26] and Lanery [52, p. 55]. Moretti goes so far as writes: “...il passo relative ad Anastasia sembra tradire la conoscenza non solo della sua storia ma anche del testo della PA [Passio Anastasiae]” [66, p. 25]. However, she substantiates this claim with parallels in content but not in wording.

⁸⁹ Lanery [51]. This attribution is supported by Lapidge [54, pp. 139-143].

⁹⁰ The present consensus concerning the Martyrologium Hieronymianum (erroneously attributed to Jerome in some Latin manuscripts) goes back to the seminal article by Louis Duchesne [33]; cf. H. Leclercq [56, cols. 2530-2563] (for a detailed exposition of the studies by Giovanni Battista de Rossi and Louis Duchesne which are definitive for our knowledge of the Hieronymianum until presently) and the studies by Hippolyte Delehaye (especially his and H. Quentin's Commentarius perpetuus [26]) referred to below.

⁹¹ E = Echternach, 8^th cent.; B = Bern, 9^th cent.; W = Wolfenbuttel, 9^th cent. The texts of these manuscripts are separately published in the edition by J.B. de Rossi and L. Duchesne (with variant readings of later manuscripts) [75, pp. II-LXXXII, 1-195]; on this edition is based H. Quentin's reconstruction of the original text published with a commentary by H. Delehaye [26], which, however, should be consulted together with the edition of “raw material”.

⁹² Ed. Delehaye, Quentin [26, p. 492-493].

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