EU on drugs: how do politics and institutions affect drug policies in the EU member states?
The analysis of the problem consisted of two stages the unification of the EU Member States into groups regarding drug policy and the analysis of how political-institutional factors have led to a particular drug policy in the European Union Member States.
| Рубрика | Государство и право |
| Вид | дипломная работа |
| Язык | английский |
| Дата добавления | 10.08.2020 |
| Размер файла | 694,7 K |
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Parsimonious solution:
~POLSTAB*REGQUAL*~HSPGDP: Estonia, Latvia
POLSTAB*~REGQUAL*~HSPGDP: Croatia, Hungary, Lithuania, Slovakia
POLSTAB*~REGQUAL*~GOVEF: Croatia, Hungary, Lithuania, Slovakia
POLSTAB*~REGQUAL*~ROL: Croatia, Hungary, Lithuania, Slovakia
The first solution is an abbreviation of the last two solutions from the past, there are only configuration elements that are relevant for Estonia and Latvia together: political stability and spending on health care is below the EU average, while the quality of state regulation is higher. The other three solutions describe the same set of cases as the first solution from the Complex solution.
As well as in the previous section, I will present the solutions that haven't entered the model:
HSPGDP*POLSTAB*REGQUAL*ROL*GOVEF*CONCOR: Austria, Denmark, Finland, Netherlands, Sweden
~HSPGDP*~POLSTAB*~REGQUAL*~ROL*~GOVEF*~CONCOR: Bulgaria, Republic of Cyprus, Greece, Poland, Romania
Both solutions were previously presented for countries with liberal drug policies, but in this case the first configuration, where all conditions are above the EU average, singles out Finland and Sweden, which differ from all countries with prohibitionist drug policies. Interestingly, Greece, which is completely prohibitive in terms of drug policy (like Sweden and Finland), is the exact opposite of all conditions.
Results
1) Countries with fully liberal drug policies are present only in those configurations where the percentage of spending on health care relative to GDP is higher than the EU average.
2) The phenomenon of liberal drug policies in Poland and Romania requires a separate study, as they exist in a situation where all conditions presented in the model are below the EU average. Also interesting is the case of Slovakia, where there is a similar configuration of conditions below the EU average except for political stability, which in this case is above average.
3) It is also worth checking in more detail the impact of lower-average political stability on drug policy liberality, because together with higher than average health expenditures, lower than average political stability is present in 6 countries where LIBERAL_DP = 1.
4) In terms of configuration, Ireland and Luxembourg differ from Denmark and the Netherlands only in terms of health spending below the EU average, but in the former case the countries are less liberal and the others completely liberal. In this model, they are distinguished only by the level of spending on health care, which corresponds to the first point. This is another reason to continue research towards public health spending and liberal drug policy.
5) Austria is out of a configuration with two completely liberal and completely prohibitive countries. It has a less liberal drug policy, but not prohibitive. The reasons for this should be investigated separately, introducing new control factors.
6) Except for Malta and Portugal, all countries with a fully liberal drug policy have a corruption control above the EU average. Malta is one of the smuggling centers in the European Union, located close to North Africa, European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction and Europol, EU Drug Markets Report 2019, (Publications Office of the European Union, Luxembourg, 2019), 61-72 and Portugal is closest in Europe to the world's main classic transit drug centres: cocaine and hashish (Morocco, Puerto Rico, Colombia). Ibid.
7) Apart from Sweden and Finland, all countries with prohibitionist drug policies have healthcare expenditures below the EU average. Sweden and Finland are rich and developed countries with all conditions above average. This case is separate from all other countries. In this case, we can say that such an outcome is influenced by some other conditions, which are also worth a separate study.
8) Apart from Estonia, Sweden and Finland, all countries with restrictive drug policies have a corruption control indicator below the EU average. Among the three countries represented, Estonia stands out with healthcare spending and political stability lower than the EU average. This also requires additional research.
9) Estonia, Sweden, and Finland are the exact opposite of Greece and almost opposite (except for political stability) of Croatia, but each of these countries represents a highly prohibitive drug policy.
Thus, having carried out the analysis of two QCA models and having interpreted results, it is possible to make a conclusion concerning the research question.
Conclusion
This study raised the main research question: "How configurations of political/institutional conditions lead to current drug policy in the European Union member states?". A few steps were taken to answer it. First, the notion of "drug policy" was defined, which consists parallel work of its three main elements: law towards drug supply, healthcare and possession and use. After that, this concept was clarified within the European Union, where due to the peculiarities of its work at the interstate level, the first part of drug policy turned out to be completely harmonized, the second part was partly harmonized, and the third part was not harmonized. Based on this, a more precise notion of "drug policy in the EU Member State" was introduced, which collects the differences in drug policies among the EU member states. In order to determine the distribution of EU member states in terms of their drug policy and to combine the sets of states into groups, it was decided to use a cluster analysis - a method that allows to form groups (clusters) based on similar variables. The analysis resulted in four groups of states: those with prohibitive policy, those with less prohibitive but not liberal policy, those with less liberal but not prohibitive policy and those with fully liberal policy. The analysis led to an interesting pattern where the most liberal drug policy states are located by the sea and have large trade ports through which the main transit of drugs to Eurasia takes place. On the other hand, states with more prohibitive policies proved to be continental.
Based on the results of the distribution of drug policies among states, two models have been constructed using the QCA methodology to find out what political/institutional factors have led to certain drug policies in EU member states. As a result of the analysis, the main conclusions were drawn. Some internal patterns were identified: for example, all countries with fully liberal drug policies have health care expenditures above the EU average. In addition, in most cases, there was control over corruption above the EU average (exceptions: Malta, a major trade port of the EU near Italy and North Africa, and Portugal, which is closest to world cocaine supply centers). Corruption has also shown its impact in the case of countries with restrictive drug policies. All countries with this type of drug policy, except Estonia, Sweden and Finland, have a level of corruption control below the EU average. It is also interesting that among the countries with the most restrictive drug policies there is a situation where all the conditions in the models showed completely opposite values (Sweden and Finland + Greece and Croatia), which is not observed in the model of countries with liberal drug policies. In addition, in many cases of liberal drug policy there is an impact of political stability below the EU average in the region.
These and other findings of this study may be a good basis for further research with different sets of conditions or for a more in-depth examination of individual cases highlighted at the end of Chapter Three. An examination of what political/institutional factors may shed light on many previously unknown processes that can describe known phenomena in more detail from previously unknown perspectives. The researchers should draw attention to the findings of this work in order to strengthen understanding of the processes taking place in the field of drug policy both in EU member states and around the world. Despite the great complexity of research in this field due to the problems with statistics, this study provides a new perspective on the problem and invites researchers to further discussion.
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Annex
Calibrated QCA table
|
COUNTRY |
POLSTAB |
VOACC |
REGQUAL |
ROL |
GOVEF |
CONCOR |
HSPGDP |
LIBERAL_DP |
|
|
Austria |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
|
|
Belgium |
0 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
|
|
Bulgaria |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
|
|
Croatia |
1 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
|
|
Republic of Cyprus |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
|
|
Czech Republic |
1 |
0 |
1 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
1 |
|
|
Denmark |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
|
|
Estonia |
0 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
0 |
0 |
|
|
Finland |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
0 |
|
|
France |
0 |
1 |
0 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
|
|
Germany |
0 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
|
|
Greece |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
|
|
Hungary |
1 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
|
|
Ireland |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
0 |
1 |
|
|
Italy |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
1 |
1 |
|
|
Latvia |
0 |
0 |
1 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
|
|
Lithuania |
1 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
|
|
Luxembourg |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
0 |
1 |
|
|
Malta |
1 |
1 |
1 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
1 |
1 |
|
|
Netherlands |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
|
|
Poland |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
1 |
|
|
Portugal |
1 |
1 |
0 |
1 |
1 |
0 |
1 |
1 |
|
|
Romania |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
1 |
|
|
Slovakia |
1 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
1 |
|
|
Slovenia |
1 |
0 |
0 |
1 |
1 |
0 |
1 |
1 |
|
|
Spain |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
1 |
1 |
|
|
Sweden |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
0 |
|
|
UK |
0 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
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