Anaplasia reflection in the future tense formation of the Germanic languages

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Anaplasia reflection in the future tense formation of the Germanic languages

Valeria V. Bondarenko, Andriy V. Botsman, Olga V. Dmytruk

Abstract

The first component of analytical temporal forms gradually lost its primary lexical meaning through its transformation into the auxiliary element. In the process of further differentiation of the Germanic languages some peculiarities were traced. The German language did not develop individual analytical forms with preterite-present (modal) verbs. Other West Germanic and Scandinavian languages used preterite-present (modal) verbs as a leading mechanism for temporal analytisation. Creation of analytical temporal forms happened within twofold formats.

Анотація

Відображення процесу анаплазії при формуванні майбутнього часу германських мов

Бондаренко В.В., Боцман А.В., Дмитрук О.В.

Метою цього дослідження є виокремлення граматичних структур, що демонструють розвиток форм майбутнього часу у германських мовах. Першою стадією дослідження є ідентифікація словосполучень, що використовувались для подальшого формування первісних аналітичних форм для часового опису. Покрокова ідентифікація примітивних аналітичних форм надає можливість відстежити поступову аналітизацію відповідних словосполучень та їхню подальшу трансформацію у стабільні аналітичні дієслівні конструкції. Пошук прихованих властивостей допомагає визначити диференційовані граматичні форми, що використані для створення низки германських структур на позначення майбутнього часу.

Предметом дослідження є компоненти, використані для створення часових дієслівних форм, що спрямовують дію у майбутнє. Готська мова, що розуміється як початкова стадія дослідження, використовувала форми теперішнього часу для репрезентації майбутньої дії із залученням фразового чи над фразового контексту. У межах форм теперішнього часу була виявлена префіксальна модель.

Готський оптатив був залучений для репрезентації майбутнього часу. Поодинокі приклади готської аналітизації пов'язані з інфінітивною формою та допоміжним дієсловом 'haban'. Поєднання допоміжних дієслів з не особовими формами дієслова (інфінітив, дієприкметник) були виявлені у західних та північногерманських мовах. У ціх словосполученнях використовувалась доволі обмежена група повнозначних дієслів, що використовувались в не особових формах. Першим елементом словосполучення, який підпав під процес подальшої граматикалізації, були претеріто-презентні, інхоативні, а також окремі дуративні дієслова. Стабільність первинних аналітичних темпоральних форм була обумовлена вживанням лише двох неособових дієслівних форм (інфінитив, дієприкметник). Перший компонент аналітичних темпоральних форм поступово втратив своє первісне лексичне значення, перетворившись у допоміжний елемент. У процесі подальшої диференціації германських мов були виявлені певні особливості. Німецька мова не розвинула самостійні аналітичні форми з претеріто-презентними (модальними) дієсловами. Інші західногерманські та скандинавські мови використовували претерітопрезентні дієслова як провідний механізм темпоральної аналітизації. Створенння аналітичних темпоральних форм відбувалося у межах двоскладового формата.

Ключові слова: агенезія, аналітична форма, анаплазія, двоскладовий формат, претеріто-презентне дієслово, синтетична форма.

Introduction

Tendency to analytisation of grammatical forms in the Germanic languages is very prominent and remarkable on the examples of verb temporal structures for representing future tense forms. Development of these structures that reflects the Germanic languages movement to analytisation and specifies their formation, gives the possibility to trace general general structural transformation and some individual phenomena connected with temporal forms. Connection of the problem with scientific and practical tasks lies in the attempt to analyse the process by creating the background of analytical temporal structures development in diachronic aspect. The task is to reveal the mechanism of forming the structures to represent future tenses in the Germanic languages according to the variations of the analytical components. Topicality of the research goes from the fact that excavation of specific formation of certain analytical grammatical structures is a complex multiaspective task that needs the involvement of vast linguistic sources and examples. Novelty of the represented material is understood from the attempt to reveal the tendencies in variation of analytical future tense components in the East, North, and west Germanic languages in the diachronic retrospection. The object of the research is synthetic and analytical structures to represent future tenses. The subject is specifications, variations of analytical components used to form analytical future in the Old and Middle Germanic languages.

Publication analysis. Analytical grammatical constructions are traditionally recognized as structures with a basic word combination which is involved into certain transformations. As a result of semantic and grammatical connection between words-components these word combinations may develop towards strong lexical and grammatical correlation with a new meaning of the whole structure (lexical or grammatical) which is different from the meaning of its words-components as separate units. Development towards lexicalization leads to the creation of stable and static phrase entities which are phrase equivalents of separate words in the semantic aspect. Development towards grammaticalization (morphologization) leads to the transformation of a word group into a new grammatical (analytical) word form. Grammaticalization of a word combination is connected with the reduction (leveling) of the lexical meaning of the first component in the structure with its further transformation from the notional word with the full lexical meaning into semi-notional auxiliary word with the dominant grammatical meaning, and the whole word group transforms into a new analytical word form [11, p. 102]. The first component is more significant in the process of analytical form research. The first component of a word combination represents one definite grammatical category (for example, it demonstrates only future tense), its usage is absolutely monotonous and complex verb tense forms create a stable system. In some cases the criterion of that transformation is the usage of link verbs in the meaning opposite to their primary lexical meaning [6, p. 193]. Modal phrases are most frequently used as analytical structures. The verb in the modal phrase does not represent the action but it represents the attitude to the action. As a result, the whole word combination does not have the meaning of the action. It demonstrates the attitude to the action, its necessity, desirability, opportunity. The modal verb itself is mostly used within the modal phrase; out of the modal phrase it has the meaning different to the one in the modal phrase. The phrase usage firmly combines the elements in the phrase. The infinitive particle is not used in modal phrases. It provides a stronger connection between the modal verb and the infinitive, i.e. the external reflection of semantic unification of two structural elements [7, p. 153-154].

Tendency of the modal phrase movement towards morphological word combination indicates its connection with morphology, in particular with the grammatical (morphological) category of mood. This verb category is closely connected with modal phrases. If the modal verb preserves its lexical meaning (completely or partly), it means that it is notional or semi-notional. In case of semantic preservation it is reasonably to research it as a syntactic unit and consider it in the sphere of syntax. Tendency of the word to grammaticalization is not grammaticalization in the proper meaning [7, p. 154-155]. All modern Germanic languages have word combinations that refer to the temporal plan of futurity, but they are not so intensely involved into the paradigm as other analytical forms existing in the languages. On the paradigmatic scale the future tenses and perfect tenses are on the opposite sides [3, p. 74]. Position of the future tenses in the Germanic languages is twofold. From the first point of view their involvement into the paradigm is easy as they form a binary opposition of syntactic forms [5, p. 274]. From another point of view by connecting the process to the temporal plan of futurity, indicating its incompleteness, the future is in opposition to preterite and presence (past and present). This specification of its meaning in combination with the specification of its form (discreteness) does not permit the future tense to be integrated into the frame of temporal category. All these facts demonstrate the complex character of future tense forms creation and development.

Results and main information presentation

All Germanic languages demonstrate the formation of analytical future tense structures as units of complex nature with definite features of gradual stage development, but they are revealed differently in different Germanic languages. The initial point in the research of this process may be the supposition that all the constructions which were the sources of analytical forms had temporal functions before their involvement into the paradigm as elements of grammatical periphery. It means that they as morphological verb forms were able to represent temporal information about processes. That temporal information belonged to generalized models, i.e. it was grammatical.

Here it is possible to compare morphological forms where the information about the process did not belong to the definite lexemes (for example, adverbs of time), but it also belonged to the general language models. The process is described by a word form or word combination grasping periphery elements which are in opposition with their temporal peculiarities to the process described by a simple temporal form. That form gains correlative (negative in its sense) temporal feature. In the example jah parei im ik, paruh sa andbahts meins wisan habaip (J. XII, 26) (Bib.) ”and where I am, these shall My servant also be ” the usage of the model haban + Vinf creates in the system of non-following a potential opposition (which may be revealed only in speech) of simultaneousness of the speech moment :: following the speech moment. Optionality of the periphery elements (precursors of analytical formant components) supposes their contextual usage. Evidently, those non-frequent periphery elements gain additional expressive function. In the biblical context they occur unchanged in the expressive direct speech, homily, sermon, prophesy.

Problems that occur in the process of investigation the analytical structures to represent Germanic future tenses may be connected with the specification of analytical structure formation. These analytical structures have different schemes and they are paradigmazed in different grammatical categories. In the German language this is the analytical future form warden + Vinf, in English - the form of continuous be + Ving. There is some specification of German analytical structures. In the written texts there simultaneously occur two combinations warden + Vinf, warden + Vp. It was possible to suppose that warden + Vp appeared after warden + Vinf, but both structures occurred together as the secondary structures. The argument was put forward that the construction sein + Vinf according to its functional-stylistic properties demonstrated the possibility of existing some other models with the durative features, but those models were not fixed in texts but only were used in oral speech [4, p.17].

The origin of infinitive constructions (especially in the microsystem that had been formed by the XIIIth cent.) may be observed in a different way but in fact the infinitive constructions were not separated from the participial constructions as for their representation (structural scheme) and content (aspect-time function): da wordent die beilgen rihtende ubor die diet unde hersehen uber daz volk (B.v.R. 182.7) "then saints will rule over people, govern (wield power over) folk" (sermon by Berthold of Regensburg). Functional mixing of participial and infinitive constructions occurred due to the crossing of distributional spheres of participle I and infinitive in the Middle German period (for example, there are predicative objective constructions, the same phenomenon took place in English). Phonetic processes in the final position of words were responsible for mixing other structural schemes. There is a definite difference of aspect-tense meaning in participial and infinitival phrases with werden in comparison with the Old German construction werden + Vp. That definite difference correlates with the general development of the verbal system. Old High German structures were combined units of aspect-tense periphery. They demonstrate resemblance with Gothic word combinations; they are likely to have combined features of inchoativity and durativity as different from the combination sein +Vp in the same degree as the link verb warden differs from sein, for example: nu uuirdist thu suigenti inti ni math sprehhan (Tat.2.9), Lat. eris tacons et non poteris logui ”and behold, you shall be silent and unable to speak”.

Middle High German word combinations with warden do not have strict lexical boundaries using verbs with different aspective semantics. That is their difference from the Old High German word combinations and from the word combination sein + Vp belonging to the same microsystem: Do sie quamen zuo den wazzen, do wurden sie trinkende (B.v.R.38,19) "having approached the water edge they started drinking”. Nu sihstu daz uns dirdiu kleine und kurze arbeit so grose ere gebende (variant geben) wirt (Dav. v. Augs. 346,2) "and how you see that small and short work will bring us such big glory”. Such examples were very frequent in Middle High German.

Expansion of model lexical volume is very important as the indicator of its aspect-tense significance. In the word combination with the present form wird the secondary feature of the future moves to the first plan. There are examples in the texts of the XIIIth century where the future meaning moves away the features of inchoativity and durativity. It is evident from the last example where the process connected with the future is represented literaly in the contradiction with aspect-tense features of participle I. Creation of future forms with werden is recognized as a secondary process which got its culmination in the XVth cent. - at the very beginning of the XVIth cent. It was the period when the frequency of using future word combinations with werden increased immensely in the High German dialects [8, p. 187]. language germanic tense verb

The centre of the process was South German and East Middle German dialects which played the significant role in the literature language formation. Movement Northword is characterized by the expansion of future word combinations with modal verbs and aspective constructions resistance to stronger destructive processes. Low German dialects use the phrase with warden preserving its old primary meaning connected with Middle Low German origin - the combination of Vinchoativum + Vp. Later that phrase coincided with Vinf creating the structure warden + Vp / Vinf [9, p. 12]. In this aspect Low German dialects have some resemblance with Scandinavian areal dialects as for different infinitive aspective constructions with durative and inchoative meaning. Separation of future word combinations from relative synthetic word combinations is not connected with explicit changes in the structural scheme or in the intensive broadening the lexical specification of the constructions. It is only the separation that functions as a criterion of the leap in the semantic structure of word combinations.

This leap leads to the fact that the temporal feature of "following" gains paradigmatic significance and aspective and modal features, and modal features are reduced to the level of a facultative "shade" that underline the future in the speech. It is very important to differentiate the common Germanic process of word combinations separation as a specific means of futurisation and dissociation marking word combinations, but it occurs not in all Germanic languages equally. The development of the future tense demonstrates the significance of the word combination stability and usage unification for the complex verb tense [6, p. 199].

In the Old Germanic languages any information about the connection of the process with the future tense was not represented properly - it was demonstrated only in the situational context or was represented in the contextual lexical indicators or within the verb form (verb word combinations) remaining secondary according to the aspective and modal meaning. These cases occurred in all Germanic languages. Any Germanic language had a set of means for such "indirect' futurisation.

The following examples illustrate correlation of different cases: Gothic Jah wirpip pus Faheds jah swegnipa, jah managai in gabaurpai is faginond (L.I, 14) (Bib.); Old High German inti her ist thir gifeho inti manage ih sinero giburti mendent (Tat. 2,6); Old English ond bid gefea de ond glwdhise, ond monigo in acennise his bid on glwde (erit ... gaudebunt "andyou will have joy and fun and many will rejoice at his birth". Old High German inti thin fater, thieiz gisinit in tougalnesse, gelte this (Tat. 33.3); Old English forgeldep de (Mt. VI, 4) [reddettibi] "and your father who sees secret will render you". Old Icelandic en er Muspellz synir rida Myrkvid yfir, veitstapupa, vesall, hve рй verg (Ls., 42,3) "and when Muspelle's sons ride across Myrkvid you don't know, what you will do for fight"; Lett er per, Loki, munattu lergi sva leika lausom hala, priat pikahiorvi skolo ins hrimkalda magar gornom binda god) (Ls. 49) "you are glad, Loki, but you will not wag with your tail for a long time, as gods (will) fasten you to the rock with your cold son's intestine".

Specific proportion of separate cases may vary in large scale from one language to another, the set of indirect futurisation means was different in different languages. In the Gothic language the indirect futurisation with synthetic elements (compositions ga + Vpraes, optative forms Vopt. praes) predominated over other cases. It is undoubtedly to be connected with the optative stability. In the comparison with the Gothic language, the Old English language had the combination with modal verbs. In Alfred's translation of Cura Pastoralis combinations with sculan, willan corresponded to Latin future in 20 cases. It indicates the restriction of the optative function for the future representation. Combinations with modal verbs sculan, willan, motan occurred in Heliand and other Old Saxon texts but there the usage of these constructions is always in the boundaries of modal meaning. The XIIIth century was very important for the West Germanic languages when the specific future word combinations were separated. The English language adopted word combinations with modal verbs. There was some struggle in South Germanic dialects between word combinations with warden in different types of compound predicate (in particular, warden + Vp / Vinf) and sollen.

In the Low German dialects the combination with sollen (later wollen) was established as well. That progressive dynamics was represented in the Notker's translation of David's Psalter.

The word combination with skullan had futurelising function in 1,7% of all the cases connected with the future process. Combinations with willen were not used at all. In the texts of Alemanian dialects of the XIIIth century word combinations with sollen, wollen performed the futurelising function in 39% of cases. Separation of word combinations was accompanied with deep quality transformations in the semantic structure. Some examples of word combination usage in the texts that modal and aspect features gradually faded and simultaneously the future function became an independent and primary function of the construction.

All these remarks refer only to the usage of word combinations in speech but not to their formation: a special centre of separation (as it used to be in the case of perfect structure formation) did not occur. It is reasonable to compare examples where the context indicates a future feature in Middle High German and Middle English: High Middle German unser lebn und unser burtdiu suln wir in vil gerne sagen (Iw. 6321) ”our life, our origin we shall tell you about them gradly”; Middle English Have mecy, - quod Mede, - of menthat it haunte, And I shall keure yowre kirke, yowre cloystre do maken, Wowes do whiten (P.P. III, 60) "Take pity, - said Mede, - upon people who do that, and I shall roof your church, and I will order to build you to the cloister, whitewash your walls (I will order the cloister to be built to you, your walls to be whitewashed) ”. The next example demonstrates the situation when within the word combination two modal words collide, i.e. the criterion for one of them desemantized: shall - and whase willen shall pis bok Efft oper sipe written, Himm bidde icc (Orm. 95) "and whoever would like to rewrite this book, I bid him ...”.

The Old Icelandic prose texts demonstrate all the features of future construction separation. It has been revealed [10, p. 138] that in 7/8 cases representation of the future action is rendered by future word combinations. More than 80% of all word combinations contain munu (50%) and skulu (30%). The following examples demonstrate predominance of the tense feature over the modal or the complete fading of the latter: Vel erat, - sagdi Grettir; en eigi muntu kyrkja, hvernever sem hit hefir verit (Gret. 16, 11); porir bad hann til rada, - ok et slikt drengiligt sva roskum manni, sem pu ert: en ek skal koma per or sek ok par medgefa per nogt fe (Gret. 56,2) "Thorir asked him to do that: and that is worthy of such a deserved man as you; and I shall free you from exile; and I shall give you enough money”.

Some examples in the texts of the Old Scandinavian period indicate that future word combinations with skulu and munu were separated in the Xth - XIth cent., but the relation of the process to the future in the earliest texts (Edda, saga, Runic texts) was not expressed in proper: Run. Swed Sua hifir asa as igi sum kuir ift uir sipan kaurua ”Asa has (had) to do that as no wife does that (in memory of) her husband”. In the majority of Germanic languages the first component of the analytical forms is created with the modal verb of obligation (middle English shal; Middle High German sol; Middle Dutch sal; Old Icel., Old Swed. skal) and partly of volitation (middle English wol, wul; Middle High German will; Middle Dutch sal; Old Danish, Old Swed. wil). Such word combinations take upon themselves the future functions of optative, but they are used in this function broader then in the independent sentence or a subordinate clause. Separation of word combinations with sculan and willan is motivated by their modal meaning: for the word combinations with sculan this motivation is stronger for the second and third persons (external, concerning the subject and obligation); for the word combinations with willan - for the first person (volitation - futurity). According to these parametres the frequency of future word combinations gas been established in the Germanic languages. Word combinations with sculan are universal, but they are more frequent with the second and third persons; word combinations with willan were introduced later and were associated with the first person. Comparison of Middle English and Middle German data is significant and is represented in Table 1. It was made on the basis of the research by W. Braune [2; 8].

Classical East Scandinavian examples are taken from Old Swedish: vi hopun, at han steal lenger liffua ”we hope that he will live longer”; iak wil honom benne gwrna giwa ”I shall give him to you gladly” and Old Danish: thynwnde fiwnde skulw ey ladhe een steen bliuw ower een annen ”your enemies will raze to the ground”; wij will hanum snarth igen fange ”we shall catch him soon again” - they demonstrate functions of the modal verbs. Specific phenomenon of Scandinavian area is in Old Icelandic munu + Vinf where munu has the primary modal meaning of "intention". In the East

Scandinavian languages word combinations with munu occurred in the oldest texts, but those combinations were not used extensively. Motivation of the future meaning with the modal meaning enables the separation and spread of future word combinations, but that motivation does not permit their delimitation. Functional feature is separated from modal one first of all in the position of the lowest motivation. It may explain the fixation of shall with the first person and will with the second and third persons in English as well as in Norwegian and Danish. In this aspect it is necessary to take into consideration the fact of fixing skulu with the first person in Old Icelandic. It is the first person that the future feature is motivated at the lowest level with modality. In the second and third persons they are always inseparable, for example: pa mwlti korling: - Eigi skal sva vera, fostra min! - segir hann (Gret. 78.7) ”It will not help you if you don't permit me to do on my own. It will not happen (it will never happen), mother, - he said”.

On the contrary, absence of shifting in the distribution of modal verbs, as it used to be in English, demonstrated the lower level of paradigmatization. In this case it is reasonable to compare Modern Swedish where word combinations with skola originate from the corresponding Old Swedish word combinations. If New Icelandic is compared with the Old and Middle Scandinavian languages, New Icelandic is characterized by the additional distribution which occurred partly and did not get further development. Word combinations with munu were moved backward and the future tense was far from the involvement into the paradigm as it had been in Old Scandinavian.

Conclusion and further investigation

The comparative analysis of the tendencies in the development of temporal forms to represent Germanic future tense reveal some specific properties of analytical and synthetic temporal forms (Table 2). Synthetic present forms used to represent futurity (Vpraes. ind, ga + Vpraes, Vopt. praes, Vmediopas), had lost their potential abilities for the unlimited representation of the future, but they left factorial influence (adverbial modifier of time, subordinate clauses of time and condition). That usage restriction, dependence from future factors indicates the impossibility of the further development of these forms (which are synthetic in their nature) to represent future actions. Undoubtly, this process may be qualified as agenesia - cessation of development.

This phenomenon occurred at the level of synthetic forms of presence for representing future in the sphere of the simple sentence together with futuralising factors (adverbial modifiers of time) and in the sphere of the subordinate clause (condition and time), where futuralising factors are represented in the semantics of those subordinate clauses. Simultaneously, there is a tendency of temporal form analytisation which indicates the future. These forms gain atypical (in comparison with present synthetic forms) additional differentiation which may be represented as a twofold formant.

This phenomenon may be recognized as anaplasia, and it occurs as a general tendency of transition from synthetic forms to analytical ones. There are subvariants according to the involvement of preterite-present or inchoative verbs as the first component of a twofold formant (Vpraet-praes / Vincho). Another subvariant of anaplasia is the usage of the infinitive or participle I as the second component of the analytical temporal formant (Vinf / Vp). Agenesia as a second phenomenon occurs within the analytical formants. It is rather frequent in the High German and Low German dialects. In the first case the future forms with preterite-present (modal) verbs were not created properly. Future forms stopped their development on the structure warden + Vinf / Vp. Modal verbs were not involved into the process of desemantisation and preserved their primary modal meanings. In North (Low) German dialects those were forms with modal verbs. It means that agenesia did not happen, but anaplasia was realized completely. The research of the given examples demonstrates that during the process of analytisation of future temporal structures each of the Germanic languages created a certain number of stable word combinations. It looks perspective to trace the forms that got the highest level of paradigm atization (grammaticalization), and the forms that remained on the optional level.

References

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