On possible Dardic and Burushaski influence on some Northwestern Tibetan dialects

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On possible Dardic and Burushaski influence on some Northwestern Tibetan dialects

Anton Kogan

Institute of Oriental Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow;

The Northwestern fringe of the Tibetan-speaking area, now forming a part of the Jammu and Kashmir state of India and of Pakistani-controlled Northern Areas, was in the past an area of intensive ethnic and language contact. This contact resulted in the linguistic assimilation of the local pre-Tibetan population by the Tibetans. More than a century ago it was hypothesized that this pre-Tibetan population may have spoken a certain Dardic language. The article attempts to check this hypothesis through the etymological analysis of the vocabulary of Northwestern Tibetan dialects. The results of this analysis suggest the existence of a significant Indo-Iranian, probably Dardic, lexical stratum, as well as of numerous lexemes borrowed from some early form of Burushaski. The author seeks to define the dialectal distribution of Indo-Iranian and Burushaski loanwords in the area under study.

Keywords: language contact; linguistic substratum; Tibetan dialects; Ladakhi language; Balti language; Purik language; Dardic languages; Burushaski language.

А.И. Коган. О возможном влиянии дардских языков и языка бурушаски на северо-западные диалекты тибетского языка.

Северо-западная окраина тибетского языкового ареала, ныне входящая в состав индийского штата Джамму и Кашмир и подконтрольных Пакистану Северных Территорий, в прошлом являлась зоной инстенсивных этнических и языковых контактов. Результатом этих контактов стала языковая ассимиляция тибетцами местного дотибетского населения. Согласно гипотезе, выдвинутой более века назад, это население, возможно, говорило на одном из дардских языков. В статье делается попытка проверки данной гипотезы путем этимологического анализа лексики северо-западных тибетских диалектов. Результаты анализа свидетельствуют о наличии значительного индоиранского (вероятно, дардского) лексического пласта, а также многочисленных лексических единиц, усвоенных из некой ранней формы языка бурушаски. Автор пытается выявить диалектное распределение заимствований из индоиранского источника и бурушаски в исследуемом ареале.

Ключевые слова: языковые контакты; языковой субстрат; тибетские диалекты; язык ладакхи; язык балти; язык пурик; дардские языки; язык бурушаски.

Introduction

It is well known that the now vast and extensive Tibetan-speaking area came into being at a comparatively recent date, i.e. in the 7^th-9^th centuries. Its formation was the result of the expansion of the Tibetan Empire and of the subsequent spread of the Tibetan language into originally non-Tibetan territories. This fact suggests that the existence of pre-Tibetan substrata in different groups of Tibetan dialects may be hypothesized.

Such a hypothesis was probably first formulated more than a century ago by the renowned German Tibetologist August Hermann Francke for the Ladakh region. According to Francke (1907), this area situated on the northwestern fringe of historical and linguistic Tibet was populated by the two ethnic groups, namely the Mons and the Dards, in pre-Tibetan times. The exact origin of the former group remains unclear, while the Dards were considered to be related to the inhabitants of eastern Hindu Kush and western Karakoram valleys, including Gilgit A. H. Francke once supposed that the Mons could have been “an Indian tribe” (Francke 1907: 20). The term “Dards”, nowadays denoting the speakers of Dardic languages, in Francke's times was used mainly geographically and could be applied e.g. to Burushaski-speakers and even to the Tibetan-speaking population of Baltistan.. Francke also argued that this “Dardic” population had left an ethnic trace in the Ladakh of his times, its last remnant being the dwellers of several remote villages preserving their original language (Francke 1906). These people undoubtedly belonged to the ethnic group that is nowadays called Brokpa. The Brokpas live in Ladakh to this day, residing in certain areas of Leh and Kargil districts Both districts are now part of the Jammu and Kashmir state of India., and speak Brokskat, a Dardic language closely related to Shina. Although Francke's theory was put forth very long ago and is still accepted by some Tibetologists Among recent publications see e.g. Zeissler 2010., no systematic attempts to verify it nor to define its linguistic implications have been made thus far. The purpose of the present article is to make a first step in this direction, and thus to throw light on the ethnic and linguistic composition of Ladakh and adjoining areas in the pre-Tibetan period.

Testing Francke's hypothesis

First of all, it should be noted that the above-cited theory can hardly be accepted in full because it seems to contradict certain linguistic facts. The etymological study of Brokskat vocabulary yields us some hints as to the Brokpa people's past, and what we learn from these data seems to be inconsistent with some of Francke's ideas. The Brokskat lexicon contains a considerable number of Persian and Arabic loanwords, some of which were attested in the earliest descriptions of the language made by European scholars, cf., e.g., qodа (Shaw 1878: 46), khodд (Francke 1905: 94) `god' < Persian xodд; barkhad `blessing' (Francke 1905: 101) < Persian barakat < Arabic; “nastb” `fate' (Shaw 1878: 46) < Persian nasпb < Arabic; darbar `assembly' (Francke 1905: 96) < Persian darbar `(royal) court, assembly'. The presence of such loanwords cannot be attributed to the influence of Urdu, the present-day official language of the area. It was only in the second decade of the 20<sup>th</sup> century when the actual spread of Urdu in different spheres of social life began in Ladakh. So this language was not widely known and used in the region at the time of Francke's fieldwork (i.e. between 1896 and 1909), not to mention the period when the author of the first grammatical sketch of Brokskat, Robert Barkley Shaw, This sketch is included in the above-mentioned work (Shaw 1878). R. B. Shaw lived in Ladakh and collected Brokskat material in 1870s. served in Ladakh as the British joint commissioner. Anyway, even the influence of the official language can hardly convincingly account for the borrowing of Persian and Arabic religious terms In addition to the foregoing examples we may quote e.g. saitдn `demon' < Persian saitдn `devil, Satan' < Arabic. into a dialect whose speakers are Buddhists. The most plausible explanation for this astonishing fact is probably the assumption that the Brokpas had been, if not Muslims themselves, at least strongly influenced by Islamic culture The use of Persian as a literary language, along with the use of Arabic as the language of religion, is the characteristic feature of Muslim culture in the region in question. That is why the presence of certain Persian borrowings in Brokskat may also be considered as evidence of the erstwhile influence of Islam on its speakers. before migrating to Ladakh and converting to Tibetan Buddhism in this region. In such a case, however, the Brokpa migration can by no means predate the Tibetan conquest of the 8^th century.

It is noteworthy in this connection that the Brokpas, according to their own historical tradition, migrated to Ladakh from Gilgit (Francke 1907: 37-38). This story, however, should not be taken at face value. Glottochronological calculations show that Brokskat separated from the closely related Shina early in the 1^st millennium A.D. (Kogan, Vasilyev 2013), while there is strong reason to believe that the language of the Gilgit valley was at that time Burushaski (Jettmar 1975). The geography and chronology of the Brokpas' migrations is still a puzzling issue, but what can be stated with certainty at the current state of our knowledge is that their movement to the present-day habitat could not have immediately followed the split of Proto-Shina-Brokskat, but must have been separated from the latter by many centuries.

Revisiting the issue of Tibetan-Dardic contact

It can be plainly seen that the above facts are hardly consistent with Francke's hypothesis that pre-Tibetan inhabitants of Ladakh were the ancestors of the modern Brokpas. But does this really mean that the issue of Dardic ethnic and linguistic substratum in the area is no longer relevant? There are some reasons to answer this question in the negative. Archaeological excavations, conducted under Francke's guidance, showed that prior to the expansion of the Tibetans, Ladakh was populated by people belonging to the Caucasoid race and possessing certain cultural traits, e.g. burial practices, similar to those of the Dardic- and Burushaski-speaking population of the Hindu Kush and Karakoram valleys (Francke 1906; 1907). This cultural and physical-anthropological similarity is, strictly speaking, of no relevance to comparative linguistic studies, but nevertheless, it might well have resulted from ethnic affinity, which in many cases implies genetic relationship of languages. In this regard it should also be pointed out that the easiest route of migration into Ladakh is along the Indus, i.e. either from the South-East, where the population is linguistically Sino-Tibetan and belongs to the Mongoloid race, or from the North-West, where the people speak Dardic languages and Burushaski, and are racially Caucasian. This fact alone suggests that the existence of Dardic and/or Burushaski ethnic elements in pre-Tibetan Ladakh as well as Dardic and/or Burushaski substrata in the local Tibetan dialects can by no means be ruled out.

The possibility of Dardic- and Burushaski-Tibetan language contact is also supported by certain typological peculiarities of Northwestern Tibetan dialects. They possess a number of features at different levels of language structure, which bring them closer to the languages of the Hindu Kush-Karakoram region, as opposed to Old and Classical Tibetan. In Ladakhi The term “Ladakhi”, as it appears in literature, seems to be somewhat ambiguous. It may be used for the dialect of Leh, the political center of Ladakh, as well as for all the Tibetan dialects spoken in the Leh district of Jammu and Kashmir. The features listed here are, however, found in all or most of the Ladakhi dialects. such features include the presence of cerebral consonants (stops and sibilants), the threefold contrast of deictic pronouns (cf. i, di `this', ote `that (within sight)', te `that (out of sight)' Similar systems are found in Dardic languages. Cf., e.g., Kashmiri yi `this', hu `that (within sight)', su `that (out of sight)'; Khowar haiya `this (near, present)', hes `that (remote, present)', hasa `that (more remote, absent)'; Pashai ae(m) `this', (a)sa `that (within sight)', o(m) `that (anaphoric)' (Grierson 1919; Morgenstierne 1967). vs. the twofold opposition 'di `this' -- de `that' in Classical Tibetan), and the word order where a demonstrative pronoun precedes the noun it modifies (cf. te khi `that dog' vs Classical Tibetan khyi de). It is worth noting that the aforementioned typological traits are also characteristic of the Tibetan varieties spoken to the North and West of Ladakh and conventionally grouped under the names Balti and Purik Historically Balti was the name of the Tibetan dialect spoken in and around the town of Skardu, nowadays the capital of the district with the same name in the Gilgit-Baltistan territory of Pakistan. The name Purik (or Purki) was traditionally used for the dialect of the Kargil town and its environs, now in the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir. The speakers of these two and a number of adjoining dialects are, unlike Ladakhis and Tibetans, Muslims by religion, and at present the names Balti and Purik are sometimes used as umbrella terms for Tibetan varieties spoken by the Muslim population of Pakistani-controlled Gilgit-Baltistan and Indian-controlled Kargil district respectively.. Moreover, these varieties show certain additional “non- Tibetan” traits shared by the Dardic languages and Burushaski, namely, cerebral affricates Balti, Purik and Ladakhi cerebrals (stops, affricates and sibilants) in inherited words usually reflect certain Old Tibetan consonantal clusters. and the typical position of an adjective before the noun it qualifies (cf. Balti, Purik di chogo nakpo khi `this big black dog' vs Classical Tibetan khyi nag-po chen-po 'di) One more feature, alien to other dialects, is found in Balti and Purik verbal systems. It is the use of the imperative stem for forming the Prohibitive. In the rest of Tibetan the latter is formed from the present stem. The German scholar Bettina Zeissler attributes this peculiarity of Muslim varieties to the substratum interference (Zeissler 2004: 344-345). Anyhow, this feature also unites both Purik and Balti with Burushaski and Dardic languages. It is remarkable that in this case linguistic typological similarity is coupled with the cultural and physical- anthropological one. Balti- and Purik-speakers share with their non-Tibetan western and northern neighbors not only a common religion, i.e. Islam, but also many traits of material culture and to some extant even a common racial type, a significant fraction of them being Caucasians..

It should, however, be understood that the above features alone can hardly be a decisive argument in favor of Dardic or Burushaski influence. Most of them are found in many lan- guages belonging to different language groups and families, e.g. Indo-Aryan, Iranian or Dra- vidian, while some are characteristic of larger wolrd regions This holds true for the word order in the noun phrase with demonstratives and adjectives preceding the noun.. The most convincing evidence for intensive contact between particular languages is undoubtedly not typological similarity but the existence of numerous common lexical isoglosses. The issue of possible non-Tibetan influence on the vocabulary of Northwestern Tibetan dialects is still extremely poorly studied This is particularly the case with the dialects of Ladakhi. On Balti and Purik some research has been done which demonstrated the existence of a number of lexical isoglosses common to these varieties and Burushaski (Lorimer 1939; Zemp 2018).. In the past the main cause of such a situation was the lack of material. Nowadays things have changed. Dictionaries of Balti (Sprigg 2002) and Ladakhi (Abdul Hamid 1998; Norman 2010) dialects, compiled and published within the last 20-odd years, can provide a relatively rich lexical material. In the following section I list the results of the etymological study of this material, conducted with a view to identifying possible Burushaski and Indo-Iranian⁴ I intentionally do not confine myself to detecting possible Dardic loanwords only. Dardic is not the only branch of the Indo-Iranian subfamily, to which the languages, that have influenced Northwestern Tibetan dialects, may have belonged. Some Indo-Aryan languages are spoken in Western and Central Himalaya to the southwest of Ladakh, and the population of the western part of the present-day Xinjiang, bordering upon Ladakh and Gilgit- Baltistan, was in the past Iranian-speaking. For this reason, the presence of Indo-Aryan and Iranian (other than Persian) borrowings in Ladakhi, Purik and Balti cannot be ruled out. It should, however, be kept in mind that the Northwestern Tibetan regions are much more easily accessible from the Dardic-speaking area, than from the Iranian and Indo-Aryan-speaking ones, the latter two being separated by the world's highest mountain ranges, the Himalaya and the Karakoram. elements in it.

As the main data sources I used Richard Keith Sprigg's “Balti-English English-Balti dictionary” (Sprigg 2002) and “A dictionary of the Language Spoken by Ladakhis” by Rebecca Norman (Norman 2010). The latter dictionary, unfortunately, available only as an unpublished draft, contains a wealth of lexical data not only from Ladakhi but also from the Purik and Balti dialects. For the Purik data, “A grammar of Purik Tibetan” by Marius Zemp (Zemp 2018) was also consulted. Words of supposedly Burushaski or Indo-Iranian origin, found in these sources, were checked for etymological parallels in other varieties of Tibetan. For this purpose Heinrich August Jдschke's Tibetan-English dictionary (Jдschke 1881) was employed. It includes a good number of lexical items, peculiar to western regions of linguistic Tibet. All such items are marked with specific labels, e.g. Bal. (Balti), Ld. (Ladakh), Lh. (Lahaul), Pur. (Purik), W. (Western Tibet). The absence of one of these labels in a particular entry is likely to suggest that the area of geographical distribution of the respective lexeme is not confined to Western Tibet, and its being borrowed from a language of the Hindu Kush-Karakoram region does not thus seem probable. Naturally, such lexemes were not included in the following list. Sources of Burushaski, Dardic and Iranian material are specified in each entry of the list. Indo-Aryan and some Dardic etymologies were taken from “A comparative dictionary of the Indo-Aryan languages” by R.L. Turner (Turner 1966).

A list of possible Indo-Iranian and Burushaski loanwords in Northwestern Tibetan dialects

1. Balti ashi `responsibility, someone responsible', ashipa `owner, master, husband, Lord' (Sprigg 2002: 22), Purik ashipa `owner, husband (said by the wife)' (Norman 2010: 1081). Cf. Burushaski (Nagir) di-asi `ьberlegen sein, ьberwдltigen' (Berger 1998b: 23).

2. Ladakhi asur `mustard seed as a spice used in Ladakhi pickle' (Norman 2010: 1073). Cf. OIA asun `Sinapis ramosa', Sindhi ahuri `mustard seed', Lahnda фhur, ahьr, ahur, Punjabi ahur, Hindi-Urdu asurп `mustard', Kashmiri asoru `mustard plant, Sinapis ramosa' (Grierson 1915-1932: 51).

3. Balti baan `man or men who sing religious songs and foretell the future' (Sprigg 2002: 24). Cf. Kashmiri wan-, Indus Kohistani ban- `to say', Kalasha bandek `1. to teach; 2. to announce so as to inaugurate, to order or command' (Trail, Cooper 1999: 27), OIA vandate `praises, worships', Av. vand-, Khotanese van-, Parthian wynd- `to praise, honor, worship'.

4. Balti balbul `tepid' (Sprigg 2002: 25), Ladakhi mala-mule `lukewarm, tepid' (Norman 2010: 687). Jдschke 1881: mal-la-mul-le Ld. lukewarm, tepid. Cf. Burushaski bulbulo `lukewarm (of water)' (Lorimer 1938: 87), Shina bubulь `tepid' (Bailey 1924), Indus Kohistani bubul `lukewarm (water)' (Zoller 2005: 315).

5. Balti bar-ban `window (in a wall), glass-pane window' (Sprigg 2002: 26), Purik barban `window' (Zemp 2018: 945). Cf. Brokskat barban id. The element bar- is probably connected with PII *dwar-`door' (cf. OIA dvar- `door, gate', Av. duuar- `gate'). In many Dardic languages the derivatives of this root have the meaning `window': Pashai darп, Gawar-Bati derп, Kalasha durik, Phalura daruri, Indus Kohistani darп, Shina darii, Kashmiri ddr. Cf. also Burushaski ddri `window' (Lorimer 1938: 114). The element -ban may be etymologically identical to Balti ban `fence' (Sprigg 2002: 25), which also seems to be of Indo-Iranian origin (cf. OIA bandha- `border, framework, damming').

6. Balti basanda `dandelion' (Sprigg 2002: 27). R.K. Sprigg compares this word with Hindi-Urdu basantп `yellow (the color of spring blossoms, such as those of the mustard-plant)'. This etymology, however, implies the unexplained loss of the final long п by borrowing. From the viewpoint of historical phonology, the more probable source of the Balti lexeme seems to be an Indo-Iranian form related to OIA vasanta- `vernal, pertaining to spring' (with subsequent semantic change `vernal' > `a spring flower' > `dandelion'). Cf. also OIA vasanta-, Shina bazцn, Phalura basand, Bashkarik basan, Torwali basan, Kalasha basun, Khowar bosun, Pashai wahdn(d), Gawar-Bati wasand `spring'.

7. Balti bat `boiled mixture of germinated grain flour and ordinary flour (made during Ramzan)' (Sprigg 2002: 27). Cf. OIA bhakta- `food; boiled rice', Khowar bot `evening meal', Kalasha batay `flour taken to be eaten in high pastures' (Trail, Cooper 1999), Shina bat, Bashkarik batt, Torwali bat, Kashmiri bati, Lahnda, Punjabi bhatt, Hindi-Urdu, Nepali, Gujarati, Marathi bhat `boiled rice', Burushaski brase bat `plain, boiled rice', alue bat `mashed potatoes' (Lorimer 1938: 73), Wakhi bat `wheat flour gruel', Ishkashimi bat, Shughni bat, Munji batdk `ritual food made of wheat flour and butter, cooked in water or milk' (Steblin-Kamensky 1999: 95).

8. Balti bekar `court singer and dancer who improvises poems and songs' (Sprigg 2002: 28), Ladakhi beda `member of the caste that used to be itinerant musicians', bemo f. (Norman 2010: 640-641). Jдschke 1881: 'be-dha a class of itinerant musicians W. Sprigg compares the Balti word with Hindi-Urdu bhik(h)arп `beggar', which does not seem semantically convincing, and in addition implies the unnecessary separation of Balti and Ladakhi forms. All the three words in question are clearly derivatives of a common root sounding as be-. <sup>15</sup> This root might have been borrowed from some Indo-Iranian language where it was a reflex of PII *wad(i)ya- `music, musical instrument' (cf. OIA vadya- `musical instrument, music', vadyakara- `musician', vadayati `plays a musical instrument', Punjabi vajja `musical instrument', Hindi-Urdu baja `music', Kashmiri waz- `to sound (of bell, clock etc.)', way- `to play a musical instrument', Shina (Guresi) baz-`to strike (of a gong etc.)', Ossetic wadynj `flute, panpipe' < *vaddnicп (Abaev 1989: 35)). In Ladakhi -mo is a productive suffix indicating the female gender.

The phonological development in the donor language seems to have passed through the intermediate stage *baiya- with the change *w > b¹⁶ and the drop of intervocalic d. Both processes are characteristic of many Indo-Iranian languages of the region. Burushaski berits `musician, bandsman; craftsman' (Lorimer 1938: 75) may also contain the aforesaid root.

9. Balti (Khaplu dialect) bosoq `calf' (Norman 2010: 604). Cf. Burushaski busфoso (Hunza, Nagir), bфso (Yasin) id. (Berger 1998b: 65). It is evident that the Balti word is phonologically closer to the Burushaski ones than to Tibetan be-to `calf'.

10. Balti bwaar `watermelon' (Sprigg 2002: 35). Cf. Shina buar (Bailey 1924), Burushaski (Hunza, Nagir, Yasin) buar id. (Berger 1998b: 60).

11. Balti, Purik cancan¹⁷ `naked' (Sprigg 2002: 40; Zemp 2018: 926; Norman 2010: 288). Cf. Khowar, Kalasha can id.

12. Ladakhi cancil, chancil `the green outer shell or fruit of walnut' (Norman 2010: 267). Jдschke 1881: can-cil W. the green shell of a walnut. Cf. Burushaski chanjil<sup>18</sup> (Nagir, Hunza), canjil (Yasin) `die grьne дussere Schale der Walnuss, Hдutchen zwischen den Teilen des Walnusskerns', Shina chaciil id. (Berger 1998b: 96).

13. Balti cangti `drop', Purik, Ladakhi (Shamskat and Leh dialects) cangti `leak in a roof' (Norman 2010: 267). Cf. Burushaski Chan man-, Shina ChaChan- `(Wasser) sickern, herabfliessen' (Berger 1998b: 97).

14. Balti ceri, Ladakhi cari `bedbug' (Sprigg 2002: 41; Norman 2010: 266). Jдschke 1881: ca-ri W. bug. Cf. Khowar cari id., Burushaski Cari, Ciri `Heimchen, Grille' (Berger 1998b: 86, 89), OIA, Pali cпrп `cricket'.

15. Balti cha `millet' (Sprigg 2002: 41), Ladakhi (Shamskat dialect) cha `a variety of millet, a cereal grain which was grown in Ladakh in the past, but very little now' (Norman 2010: 290). Cf. Burushaski Cha (Nagir, Hunza), Ca (Yasin) `Hirse, Kolbenhirse, Setaria italica' (Berger 1998b: 95).

16. Balti, Purik chal `overflow, spill over', Ladakhi (Leh and Shamskat dialects) chal-ces `to splash, to spill over' (Sprigg 2002: 41; Norman 2010: 297). Cf. OIA ksarati, ksalati `flows, trickles', ksalayati `washes', Proto-Iranian *xsar- `to flow'<sup>19</sup> (> Persian sarпdan `to trickle', (ab)sar `waterfall', Ossetic дxsдrdzдn `waterfall' (xsar-cana-), Middle Persian Xsart `the river Jaxartes' (Livshits 2003)), Kashmiri chalun `to wash', char `a sprinkle of water etc. from the fingers'), Gawar-Bati char `rapids in a stream', Phalura, Indus Kohistani char, Bashkarik, Kalasha uchar, Shina char `waterfall'.

17. Balti chon `vain' (Sprigg 2002: 43), Purik chon (“tfnn”) `useless, in vain, unfounded' (Zemp 2018: 109), Ladakhi chon `spontaneously, for no reason, gratuitously; in vain, for nothing, to no avail, useless; free, for free, at no cost (Norman 2010: 310). Jдschke 1881: chon W. useless, to no purpose. Cf. Burushaski chan (Hunza), can (Yasin) `leer (Schьssel), unterbeschдftigt, ohne Arbeit, frei' (Berger 1998b: 106), Shina chon, Phalura cheniko, Bashkarik chan, Kashmiri chon, Gawar-Bati chenika, Pashai (Kurangali dialect) chani `empty, void'. R. L. Turner (1966: 189) compares the Dardic words with the reconstructed OIA verb ksanati `is sifted, is strained, falls'. Semantically, however, this comparison does not seem convincing. The vowel o in the Ladakhi, Balti and Purik forms does not indicate that the source of borrowing must necessarily This is not the only example of this change in our material. On the same process, see s.v. baan and basanda. For transcribing Nothwestern Tibetan words the standard Tibetological transcription is used with c and ch conveying voiceless palatal and voiceless palatal aspirated affricate respectively, and ts and tsh standing for their dental counterparts. Dardic and Iranian material is transcribed in another way: c, ch mark palatal affricates and c, ch are used for dental ones. In H. Berger's notation C and Ch stand for Burushaski voiceless palatal and voiceless palatal aspirated affricate respectively. On this Iranian root see e.g. Rastorgueva,Edelman 2007.have been the Shina or Kashmiri word. It may be the result of an independent phonological change in the donor language (cf. the change a > o before n in the above-cited Balti word tshon `injury').

18. Balti (Skardu dialect) chum `bunch; muscle of thigh' (Norman 2010: 318). Cf. Burushaski chu `ear (of corn), bunch (of grapes)' (Lorimer 1938: 101), Indus Kohistani cuп `a bunch of grapes or other fruits' (Zoller 2005: 166).

19. Balti, Purik, Ladakhi culi `apricot'. Jдschke 1881: cu-li, co-li W. `a fresh apricot'. Cf. Burushaski ju, Shina joroiti, zuri, Khowar zuli, Gawar-Bati zizorп, Kashmiri cer, Kati cird, Askun cirд, Prasun cire, Wakhi cwan, Ishkashimi cbwend, Munji cirdy `apricot'.

20. Ladakhi darak, Purik deraq `stiff, hard' (Norman 2010: 438). Cf. Kashmiri dor `firm, hard, strong, compact, durable, solid', darun `to become steady (of something in motion), to become firm, to stand steady' (Grierson 1915-1932: 238, 246), Pashai d(h)ar-, Wotapuri dar-, Phalura dhвara- `to remain, stay', Torwali derп `they remained', Khowar dorik `hold back, wait, keep', Hindi, Punjabi dharna `to keep', Gujarati dharvь `to hold, catch', OIA dharayati, dharati `holds, keeps', Avestan daraiiehi `(you) hold'. The prototype of the Ladakhi and Purik word in the donor language may be reconstructed as *daraka- (< PII dharaka-). It is not quite clear if Balti dalaq `stiff, hard (of leather, cloth)' (Sprigg 2002: 183) could have been borrowed from the same source.

21. Balti den `sulphur' (Sprigg 2002: 183). Cf. Burushaski dвncil `Schwefel, findet sich in Schwefelquellen, die als heilkrдftig gelten', Shina dancвl id. (Berger 1998b: 114). The Shina word may be a loan from Burushaski. The final elementcil in Burushaski is probably etymologically identical to chil `water'. The original meaning of the Burushaski word may thus have been `water of a sulphur spring'.

22. Balti diangs `hard (of soft things that have become hard, bricks, food, etc.)' (Sprigg 2002: 183). Cf. Burushaski day `hard' (Lorimer 1938: 112), Khowar day id.

23. Ladakhi (l)dim, Purik dim `trunk (of a tree), stem (of a plant)' (Norman 2010: 473), Balti dim(s) `trunk (of a tree)'(Sprigg 2002: 183). Jдschke 1881: drim `stump, trunk, of a tree or plant deprived of top and branches' Ld. Cf. Burushaski -dim `Kцrper, Person, Selbst, (Nagir) Halm (des Getreides)' (Berger 1998b: 132), Shina dm `body, trunk of tree' ([Bailey 1924), Indus Kohistani dim `body (of a living being)' (Zoller 2005: 223), Khowar dim, OIA dimba- `body'.

24. Balti (Skardu dialect) dom `sadness, trouble, difficulty, adversity' (Norman 2010: 493). Cf. Shina damizhar `adversity, trouble' (Bailey 1924), Burushaski dam(i)jar `trouble, inconvenience, worry' (Lorimer 1938). The Shina word is most probably the source for the Burushaski one, and may be related to OIA damayati `tames, subdues', Ossetic domyn `to tame; exhaust; demand'.

25. Balti duhum, duhung `large hole in a field, old tree, among rocks' (Sprigg 2002: 183). Cf. Bashkarik don `hole' (Morgenstierne 1940), Indus Kohistani dьng `a pit, hole (in the earth), depression, hollow' (Zoller 2005: 223).

26. Ladakhi Galcik, galcik, galtsik, rgalcik, (G)alcilik `lizard' (Norman 2010: 214).In Norman's transcription G is used to denote voiced uvular fricative. Jдschke 1881: rgag-cig a large grey species of lizard Ld. Cf. Burushaski gвrqas, galqas `Eidechse' (Berger 1998b: 172), galgь (Hunza, Nagir), galgф (Yasin) `Wьrmchen, Larve, Made, Raupe' (Berger 1998b: 167). Also cf. the following word.

27. Ladakhi galto, galto `centipede (Shamskat dialect), a big type of spider (Leh dialect)' (Norman 2010: 214). Cf. Burushaski galtas `centipede' (Lorimer 1938: 159), Shina galaвc, Indus Kohistani galas, Phalura kalighas id. (Zoller 2005: 141).

28. Balti, Purik gat `knot, joint of body' (Sprigg 2002: 58; Zemp 2018: 64), Ladakhi (Leh dialect) changgat `knee-joint' (Norman 2010: 313). Cf. OIA granthi- `knot', granthayati `ties', Hindi, Bengali, Marathi, Gujarati gдth, Punjabi, Lahnda gandh, Sindhi g'andhi, Middle Persian grih, Persian girih, Khotanese grratha, Soghdian yr'ns, Ishkashimi yurex, Ossetic жlxync', Kalasha, Phalura grhend, Indus Kohistani gдr, Brokskat gathi `knot', Pashai gatanд `joint', gath- `to tie', Burushaski gat `Knoten (auch im Stengel von Pflanzen), Knцchel (des Fingers)' (Berger 1998b: 150). Ladakhi gat `obstacle, tripping up' (Norman 2010: 241) may also belong here.

29. Purik gato `half-roofed daytime pen for cows, horses, etc.', Ladakhi (Western subdialects of Shamskat gato `cattle yard or pen, corral' (Norman 2010: 159). Originally `a place where cattle are collected'? Cf. Burushaski gati `assembled, collected, together' (Lorimer 1938: 164), Shina gati `together'.

30. Balti gra-a, Purik gra, `goitre' (Sprigg 2002: 68; Norman 2010: 247). Cf. Shina gaвro, Burushaski gвaro id. (Berger 1998b: 164). It is not quite clear if the Shina and Burushaski words are connected in any way with OIA gadu- `excrescence on neck, goitre, hump on back', Khowar guruli, Kashmiri gadur `goitre'.

31. Balti gzar `to flow' (Sprigg 2002: 72), Purik zar id., Ladakhi zar-ces, dzar-cas `to drip, to run down, to trickle out' (Norman 2010: 790). Cf. Av. yzar- `to flow', Ossetic gzжlyn `to pour down, drip', OIA jhara- `waterfall', jharп `river', Prakrit jharaп `drips', Hindi jharnд `to ooze, trickle away' < PII *gjhar- < PIE d^hg^wher-²¹ (Cheung 2007: 124).

32. Purik yut, Ladakhi gut `deaf, a deaf person; feeble, weakened', Balti gut `mute' (Norman 2010: 215). Cf. Burushaski yut `taub', yot (Yasin) `stumm' (Berger 1998b: 182), Shina kutu `deaf' (Bailey 1924).

33. Balti hal `goal (sports)' (Norman 2010: 1064; Sprigg 2002: 74). Cf. Burushaski hвla (Hunza, Nagir), hal, hвlu (Yasin) `Tor (beim Polo)', Shina hal, Khowarp hal id. (Berger 1998b: 187).

34. Balti hal `strength', halcan `fine, strong, well-fed, healthy (animals)' (Sprigg 2002: 74), Ladakhi halcan `robust, strong, healthy' (Norman 2010: 1058). Jдschke 1881: hal-med W. weak. Cf. Burushaski halйl, Shina halal `Fett' (Berger 1998b: 187).

35. Balti handam `deaf and dumb' (Sprigg 2002: 74), Purik handay `deaf, dumb' (Zemp 2018: 72), Ladakhi handang, handang `stunned, speechless; mute, unable to speak; mentally retarded, mentally disabled' (Norman 2010: 1057). Jдschke 1881: han-ldang W. 1. dumb, mute. -- 2. imbecile, weak of mind. Cf. Burushaski han dam `simple and stupid, honest and simple' (Lorimer 1938: 193), handвm `einfaltig, treuherzig-dumm, Einfaltspinsel', Shina handвm id. (Berger 1998b: 189).

36. Ladakhi (Shamskat dialect) harip `a musical instrument with an oboe-like double reed, used for non-religious music' (Norman 2010: 1055), Balti harip `special kind of music played in the palace courtyard before a polo match' (Sprigg 2002: 75). Jдschke 1881: ha-rib Ld. music. Cf. Burushaski harip `music, tune' (Lorimer 1938), Shina hьrпp `Sinд music' (Bailey 1924), Indus Kohistani hnrtp `a tune, melody' (Zoller 2005: 409).

37. Balti haritham `small centipede' (Sprigg 2002: 75). Jдschke 1881: ha-ri-tsam Pur. centipede. Cf. Burushaski hiriman (Hunza, Nagir), hirmen (Yasin) `Insekt, dem Tausendfьssler дhnlich' (Berger 1998b: 200). The etymological connection between the Balti and Burushaski words is highly probable, although their exact prototype is not quite clear.

38. Balti kadik `small branches' (Sprigg 2002: 82), Ladakhi katik `branches and leaves of trees as fodder for animals in the spring' (Norman 2010: 4). Cf. Kati kвt `branch', Kalasha kat `board' (Trail, Cooper 1999), Shina kдt `wood', Kashmiri kдth `wood', kath `small stick', Lahnda, Punjabi, Hindi-Urdu, Kumauni, Nepali, Gujarati kдth, Sindhi kathп `wood', др.-инд. kдstha- `piece of wood', kдsthikд- `small piece of wood'. PII *gjhar- and PII *ksar- (> OIA ksar-, Proto-Iranian *xsar-) may reflect two different variants of the same Proto-Indo-European root (Rastorgueva, Edelman 2007).

39. Ladakhi, Purik kale `revenge' (Norman 2010: 79; Zemp 2018: 940]. Cf. Kashmiri kal `longing, regret, yearning; worry, worrying, anxiety; thought, consideration, calculation' (Grierson 1915-1932: 433), Shina, Burushaski kвalan `Erwдgung, Berьcksichtigung' (Berger 1998b: 237), Shina kalyфоki `count, number, consider as abuse' (Bailey 1924: 146), Indus Kohistani kalвv `to count' (Zoller 2005: 107-108), OIA kalayati `counts, thinks'. For the semantic change `to count' > `to revenge' cf. the English idiom to square accounts or the verb to reckon in the meaning `to settle scores', cf. also Russian rasschitat's'a (рассчитаться) `to retaliate' with the same root as schitat' (считать) `to count'. It cannot be ruled out that the immediate source of Ladakhi and Purik kale in the donor language was semantically influenced by some cognate of Shina kali `fighting' (Bailey 1924: 146), Indus Kohistani kayl `a fight; a war' (Zoller 2005: 101) and OIA kali- `strife, quarrel'.

40. Purik, Ladakhi kares, karas `a local type of pea with three corners' (Norman 2010: 6). Cf. Burushaski (Hunza, Nagir, Yasin) gark `Erbsen', yarвs `Lathyrus sativus Linn., eine Saatplatterbse' (Berger 1998b: 148, 170), OIA kalaya- `a sort of pea', Nepali kerau `pea', Hindi-Urdu keraw, kirau `Pisum arvense', Kashmiri kari `the pea Pisum sativum'.It is unclear if the Ladakhi word can have anything to do with some Dardic words for millet: Gawar-Bati

karaz, Savi karaz, Kalasha kвras. Ladakhi kerze `lentils' (Norman 2010: 16) may also belong here. The final element -ze in this word is probably etymologically identical with the Classical Tibetan suffix -ze found, e.g. in bram-ze `Brahmin' (< OIA brahmana-), zhim-ze `sweetmeats' (cf. zhim-pa `well-tasted, sweet-scented').

41. Purik karkati, Ladakhi (Western subdialects of Shamskat dialect) khaskhati, `ant, ants' (Norman 2010: 111). Cf. Burushaski (Nagir, Hunza) karaвto `Art Insekt' (Berger 1998b: 242), kdrkanas `a kind of spider (which has a big body and long legs and bites)' (Lorimer 1938: 229), Shina karaвto `Art grosse giftige Spinne' (Berger 1998b: 242), Khowar kroyunu `large biting bug'. A contamination of two phonetically similar but etymologically different words may have taken place in the donor language.

42. Balti kelak, kyalak `twisted' (Sprigg 2002: 82). Cf. Tirahi koold, Pashai kola, Shumashti kolanta, Khowar koli, Bashkarik kol, Torwali kol, Phalura kuulo, Shina kцlu `curved, crooked' < Proto-Dardic, PII kaula- (> Proto-Iranian kaura- > Khotanese kura- `crooked' (Bailey 1979: 62)). The prototype of the Balti word in the donor language may have sounded kaulak or kolak and reflected an old formation with the -k- suffix. The irregular development of the first syllable vowel is probably due to the influence of some derivative of Tibetan 'khyil-ba `to wind, to twist'.

43. Balti (Skardu) khila, khela, Purik khila `sandals' (Norman 2010: 155). Cf. Indus Kohistani kharpa `wooden sandals' (Zoller 2005:121), Kashmiri khrav, Punjabi, Hindi-Urdu kharau, Nepali kharau id. kasthapaduka- (Turner 1966: 159).

44. Balti (Skardu dialect) khudu, (Khaplu dialect) khutu `small room', Ladakhi (Shamskat and Nubra dialects) khutu `hut, cottage; thatched roof' (Norman 2010: 112). Cf. OIA kutп- `hut', Khowar kutu `a small room, a cabin, an apartment' (Sloan 1981: 102), Kalasha kutu `temporary small shelter near one's fields' (Trail, Cooper 1999: 179), Indus Kohistani kurkп `a small house or hut close to a mosque in which the Maulvi and his pupils live' (Zoller 2005: 113), Shina gut `tent' (Bailey 1924: 142), Burushaski (Hunza, Nagir) guti, (Yasin) kutu. `Hьtte' (Berger 1998b: 163), Wakhi kdta, kuta `hut, shelter, small house' (Steblin-Kamensky 1999: 220). Cf. also the reflexes of Proto-Iranian *kata- `house', for which the contamination with the aforementioned root seems to be possible: Wakhi ktic, Ishkashimi k(b)ric, Munji kric(a) `a hut on the summer pasture' (Steblin-Kamensky 1999: 212). The ultimate source of the Wakhi, Dardic and Tibetan words may well have been Burushaski, though for the OIA kutп- a Dravidian origin was also suggested (Mayrhofer 1992: 362).

45. Balti khut `short (speech, etc.); small (area)', kot ci, kot ci `a short while' (Sprigg 2002: 91, 93). Cf. Burushaski khut, Shina khuto, Khowar iskurdi `short'.

46. Ladakhi kit-ces `to catch, seize, capture' (Norman 2010: 82). Since the initial k in Central Ladakhi dialects (including Leh) may reflect earlier g (Zemp 2006), the verbal root kit- may be compared with Bashkarik gltd `took, bought', Wotapuri gat `took', Gawar-Bati gьtim `I took' < grpta- < grb-ta- (cf. Vedic grbhnati `takes, catches', Avestan gdrdЯnaiti `gains, obtains', Vedic grbdha-, Avestan gdrdpta- `taken'). According to R.L. Turner, in some Middle and New Indo- Aryan languages the past participle reconstructed as ghrpta- has replaced the regular grbdha- (Turner 1966: 244). In certain cases, the reflex of this form began to function as the new present, future or infinitive base (cf. Prakrit fut. ghattissam, inf. ghittum, ghettum, Oriya ghitiba `to take, carry', Konkani ghetta `takes').

47. Balti kodos `rounded stone, cobble-stone' (Sprigg 2002: 93). Cf. Burushaski guyos `grinding-stone' (Lorimer 1938: 176). In Burushaski y is a voiced retroflex spirant. According to Berger, this phoneme can be described as “ein stimmhafter retroflexer Sibilant mit gleichzeitiger palatal-dorsaler Engebildung” (Berger 1998a: 22). It regularly reflects intervocalic d in Indo-Iranian loanwords (Berger 1998a: 22), and thus may have developed from an earlier retroflex stop.

48. Balti kulak `meal (quickly made mixture of buttermilk and flour)' (Sprigg 2002: 94), Purik kholak `a certain dish', Ladakhi (Leh, Shamskat and Nubra dialects) kholak, qholak `ready-to-eat dough of roasted flour' (Norman 2010: 117). Jдschke 1881: Lh.: dumpling made of rtsam-pa and beer; Ld.: pap of rtsam-pa and tea, called spags in Central Tibet. Cf. Burushaski (d)-q(h)ul-an- (Hunza, Nagir), d-xul-an- (Yasin) `(Teig) kneten' (Berger 1998b: 357). The initial din Burushaski is a verbal prefix and -an- is a fossilized verbal suffix. For details see (Berger 1998a: 107-110, 212).

49. Ladakhi, Purik kulik `lock; key (also pekulik); the joint of the jaw' (Norman 2010: 12). Jдschke 1881: ku-lig key, lock; also more accurately phe-kulig key, cug-kulik lock, padlock. W. If the meaning `key' is historically primary, the word may be compared with PII kaula- `crooked' and its Dardic and Iranian reflexes (see s.v. kelak). For semantic development cf. Greek кАрїд, Latin clavis, Old Church Slavic kl'ucb (ключь) `key' < PIE kleu- `Haken, krummes Holz' (Pokorny 1959: 604-605).

50. Ladakhi kuruk `donkey foal; foal' (Norman 2010: 12), Balti bong-kuru `donkey colt' (Sprigg 2002: 30). Jдschke 1881: gu-rug Ld. colt or foal of an ass. Cf. Kalasha kuak (kurak) `child (male or female); the offspring of a human or animal' (Trail, Cooper 1999), Shumashti kur, Dameli kufa `child', Ashkun kьrd `child, foetus', Kati kfu, kuruk `young of animals', Prasun kyьru `young of animals, child', Kurdish kurr `son', Middle Persian kurrak, Persian kurra `foal' < Proto-Aryan kur-. For more details on this Aryan root, its reflexes, and its cognates in other branches of Indo-European see (Forssman 1980; Hegedus 2002). For Dardic (and perhaps for Nuristani) forms with retroflex r and its reflexes, the most probable prototype seems to be *kurta- with the -t- suffix. On the derivatives of this root with the suffixes -n-, -k-, and -t- see the above-cited paper (Forssman 1980). The meaning `donkey foal' in Ladakhi might have developed under the semantic influence of a previously existing cognate of Eastern (Kham) Tibetan ku-ru `donkey' (Norman 2010: 12).

51. Balti lashi `a resinous wood used as a candle or torch because it burns slowly' (Sprigg 2002: 98). Cf. Kashmiri lash' `a torch' (Grierson 1915-1932: 533), Shina (Gilgit dialect) lai `torch (unlit)' (Bailey 1924). In Shina the change *s > i is regular in the intervocalic position.

52. Ladakhi ldok `muddy place', Purik ldoq `mud, liquid dirt' (Norman 2010: 487). Cf. Burushaski toq `Schlamm', Shina tok, Khowar toq, tuq id. (Berger 1998b: 429). The initial cluster ld may have developed due to the analogical influence of ldam `mud'.

53. Balti matu `coolie's t-shaped stick' (Sprigg 2002: 112), Ladakhi matu `walking stick; a tool for smoothing soil and breaking clods' (Norman 2010: 681). With vowel metathesis muta Cf. Dameli muth, Gawar-Bati muthв, Kalasha, Phalura mut `tree'.

54. Balti menze `lump of dough' (Sprigg 2002: 113), Ladakhi menze `ball of dough ready to be shaped and cooked, flattened dough ball, or shaped bread ready to be cooked' (Norman 2010: 710). Cf. Burushaski mвano `grцsserer Teigklumpen' (Berger 1998b: 272), Shina mino id., Brokskat manпli, Dameli man `bread', Bashkarik man, Phalura mдndili `very soft bread' (Morgen- stierne 1940; 1941), Phalura mдnd- `to knead', Romany ma(n)ro `bread', Sindhi mвnп `bread, loaf, food', Punjabi mandд `a thick cake', West Pahari (Bhalesi) mвnni `a large cake', Assamese mar- `to knead (dough)', Maithili mдr- `to knead', OIA mrdnдti `crushes, kneads, rubs', Av. mцrdnddn `(they) destroy'. On the final element -ze in Balti and Ladakhi words see the note on kerze `lentils'.

55. Balti monthok `clod of earth' (Sprigg 2002: 118). With dissimilation of middle consonants mat-thok? Cf. OIA mr<sub>o</sub>ttikд- `earth, clay', Hindi-Urdu, Punjabi mittп, Nepali mдto, Dameli mathi id., Phalura methi, Shina mдti `clay'; Burushaski thoko `Klumpen, Ballen (von Zucker, Salz, Butter)' (Berger 1998b: 452), Indus Kohistani thokh `a clod (earth, salt)' (Zoller 2005: 220).

56. Balti mulak, mulu, Purik mulaq `turnip' (Sprigg 2002: 118; Zemp 2018: 944). Cf. Burushaski mulo, Shina muulo id., OIA mьla- `root', mьlaka- `radish', Shina mьlп, Khowar mьl `root', Pashai mьluk, Hindi-Urdu mьlп `radish'.

57. Balti, Purik, Ladakhi multuk, multuk `fist' (Norman 2010: 705; Sprigg 2002: 118). Jдschke 1881: mul-t'ug W. fist. Cf. OIA musti-, Av. musti-, Khotanese mustu, Sindhi muthi, Lah- nda, Punjabi mutth, Hindi-Urdu, Gujarati, Marathi mьth, Nepali muthi, Persian most, Shughni mut, Wakhi mast, Shina mut(h), Kashmiri moth, Phalura, Kalasha, Khowar musti, Gawar-Bati mustдk, Burushaski (loanword) muc `fist'. Intervocalic -lt- and -lt- in Western Tibetan dialects seem to convey st and st in borrowings (cf. Ladakhi maltar (along with mastar and mastar) `teacher' (Norman 2010: 693) < Hindi-Urdu mastar < English master).

58. Balti mush `squeegee type of rake' (Sprigg 2002: 119). Cf. Burushaki mвus (Nagir), mвusk (Yasin) `zahnloser Rechen fьr Erde und Dung' (Berger 1998b: 284), Khowar mвus `wooden hoe' (Strand 2006).

59. Balti muyu, myo `mouse', munzhur `small mole-like mouse' (Sprigg 2002: 119). Cf. OIA mьs-, mьsд-, mьsika- `mouse, rat', Persian mьs, Pashto mazak, Ossetic myst, Pashai mьc, Shu- mashti muso, Gawar-Bati musa, Torwali mьs, Phalura muso `mouse', Bashkarik mьs `mouse, rat', Shina (Guresi dialect) mьzu `rat', mьzai `mouse', West Pahari (Jaunsari) mьsд, Romany muso `mouse', Kumauni, Nepali muso `mouse, rat'.

60. Balti paghon, phraghon, Purik phoGon `spoon' (Sprigg 2002: 127, 130; Norman 2010: 602). Cf. Burushaski khnpun, Khowar khipini, Shina khapai, Indus Kohistani khapny `spoon, ladle' (Lori- mer 1938: 228; Zoller 2005: 123). In Balti and Purik a metathesis of stops must have taken place.

61. Ladakhi pat, paddi, patsi `totally, completely' (Norman 2010: 533). The word is attested in the Leh dialect where root-initial p regularly reflects earlier b. The prototype may thus be reconstructed as bad and compared with OIA baddha- `bound', Gujarati bдdhь `whole, entire', West Pahari (Kotgarhi) baddha `all, entire, (pl.) all together', Kashmiri bod `handful'.

62. Balti, Purik payu `salt' (Sprigg 2002: 127; Norman 2010: 558). Jдschke 1881: pa-yu salt Bal. Cf. Burushaski (Hunza, Nagir, Yasin) bayu, Brokskat payu, Shina pazuu id. The intervocalic z in Shina probably appeared due to the influence of the verb paвz- `to cook, bake' (Berger 1998b: 45).

63. Ladakhi perak `Ladakhi women's head-dress, covered with turquoise and coral' (Norman 2010: 539). Cf. OIA paridhд- `to put on (clothes)', Sindhi paharanu, Nepali pairanu, Hindi pahirnд `to put on, wear', Kashmiri pOrun `to put on; to adorn, ornament', Khowar pur- duik `to cover oneself, put on a cloak'. The source of the Ladakhi word in the donor language probably reflects PII paridhaka-.

64. Balti phada `bald' (Sprigg 2002: 128). Cf. Brokskat phata, Shina (Drasi dialect) phararo, Burushaski (Hunza, Yasin) bata id. According to H. Berger (Berger 1998b: 44), the word is connected with Burushaski bat `skin'.

65. Balti phading `dried apricots' (Sprigg 2002: 127), Purik phading, phating id., Ladakhi phating, phating `apricot of good quality, with sweet kernel' (Norman 2010: 563). Jдschke 1881: p'a-tin, W., sweet dried apricots. Cf. Burushaski bnter `dried apricot (split and stoned)' (Lorimer 1938: 73), batйr (Hunza, Nagir), batфr (Yasin) `aufgeschnittene und in der Sonne gedцrrte Frucht, bes. Aprikosen' (Berger 1998b: 44), Shina phatфor id. Berger compares this word with OIA sphatayati `splits', but cf. Burushaski phaqis `entkernte, noch nicht gedorrte Aprikose' (Berger 1998b: 323).

66. Ladakhi phok `incense or burning juniper leaves or other fragrant burning materials' (Norman 2010: 580). Cf. OIA pavayati `purifies', Persian pak `pure' (< *pavaka-). The source of the Ladakhi word is probably a certain reflex of PII *pavaka- `purifier'. The origin of the initial aspirate remains unclear.

67. Ladakhi phololing `a local variety of wild mint' (Norman 2010: 579), Purik phopholip `wild type of mint' (Zemp 2018: 47). Jдschke 1881: pho-lo-lin W. peppermint. Cf. Burushaski filal `mint' (Lorimer 1938: 155), phalвl (Yasin) `Pfefferminz' (Berger 1998b: 329), Shina philiil id., Indus Kohistani phimil `a kind of mint' (Zoller 2005: 291-292).

68. Ladakhi poze `ram, full-grown male sheep' (Norman 2010: 540). On the final element -ze see the note on kerze `lentils'. The element po- may reflect PII *pasu- `cattle' (> OIA pasu-, Avestan pasu- id., Pashto psd, Ossetic fis `sheep'). Cf. also Pashai paswala, Khowar pazвl, Shina payalu, Bashkarik payal, Kashmiri puhul `shepherd', Indus Kohistani payal, OIA pasupala- `herdsman'.

69. Ladakhi puli, polo `Ladakhi biscuits of a particular type' (Norman 2010: 541). Cf. OIA pura- `cake', pauli- `a cake of scorched grain and ghee', Sindhi, Punjabi, Hindi, Kumauni purl, Gujarati, Marathi purl `fried cake', Kashmiri pur `a kind of cake fried in ghee'.

70. Ladakhi (Shamskat dialect) put `germination, sprouting' (Norman 2010: 538). Cf. OIA sphutati `bursts open', Lahnda phuttan `to sprout', Panjabi phuttna, Hindi phutna `to burst', Kashmiri phutun `to be cracked', Shina phьtфоki `to break', Phalura phuuta `to break (apart), crack' (Liljegren, Haider 2011: 121). The loss of initial consonant aspiration in the Ladakhi word remains unclear.

71. Balti (Skardu dialect) rat `field, ground, level place' (Norman 2010: 911), `flat, level' (Sprigg 2002: 135), Purik rat `level' (Zemp 2018: 939). Cf. Burushaski (Hunza, Nagir, Yasin) rat `flach, eben, glatt' (Berger 1998b: 364).

72. Balti rindi `lead, bullet' (Sprigg 2002: 139), Ladakhi rindi `bullet; lead (metal)' (Norman 2010: 911). Jдschke 1881: rin-di W. 1. lead. -- 2. musket-ball. Cf. Burushaski ril `copper' (Lorimer 1938: 303), Bashkarik rld, Torwali zit (z < r) `brass', Shina rll `brass, bronze, copper', Gawar-Bati rlt `copper', OIA rlti- `stream; yellow brass, bell-metal'. This word is probably etymologically connected with OIA rl- `to flow, melt' (< PII *rl-). The original meaning may have been `(metal used for) casting'. The semantic as well as phonological development of the word seems to be influenced by Tibetan ra-nye `lead'.