Gender aspect of hedging

Study of the relationship between the choice of language means, their functions and social factors influencing communication. Analysis of the gendered nature of hedges based on private e-mails, phone conversations, and informal communication patterns.

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Язык английский
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GENDER ASPECT OF HEDGING

Gribanova T.I.

Lebedeva I.S.

Pavlova Е.В.

Abstract

Gribanova T.I., Senior Lecturer, Department of Grammar and History of English, Faculty of the English Language, Moscow State Linguistic University.

Lebedeva I.S., PhD (Philology), Assistant Professor at the Department of Grammar and History of English, Faculty of the English Language, Moscow State Linguistic University.

Pavlova Е.В., PhD (Philology), Associate Professor, Assistant Professor at the Department of Grammar and History of English, Faculty of the English Language, Moscow State Linguistic University.

GENDER ASPECT OF HEDGING.

The article looks into gender-related differences in the use of hedging devices in mixed and non-mixed informal contexts (both oral and written varieties). Two functional types of hedges - epistemic and affective - are compared and their frequencies are analyzed in same-sex and mixed-sex contexts. The participants are 15 male and 15 female native speakers of English currently working in Moscow. The materials for the research have been obtained from informal emails, telephone conversations and samples of face-to-face communication.

Key words: hedging; epistemic hedge; affective hedge; gender; mixed context; informal language.

Аннотация

Грибанова Т.И., старший преподаватель кафедры грамматики и истории английского языка факультета английского языка Московского государственного лингвистического университета.

Лебедева И.С., кандидат филологических наук, доцент кафедры грамматики и истории английского языка факультета английского языка Московского государственного лингвистического университета.

Павлова Е. Б., кандидат филологических наук, доцент, доцент кафедры грамматики и истории английского языка факультета английского языка Московского государственного лингвистического университета

В статье рассматривается отражение гендерных различий в использовании средств хеджирования в смешанных и несмешанных контекстах. Исследование проводилось с точки зрения их частотности в устной и письменной разновидностях неформальной коммуникации. Сравниваются два функциональных типа хеджей - эпистемический и аффективный - и анализируется их частотность и гендерная маркированность. Респонденты - 15 мужчин и 15 женщин, носители английского языка, работающие в настоящее время в Москве. Материалом для исследования послужила частная электронная переписка, телефонные разговоры и образцы неформального общения.

Ключевые слова: хеджирование; эпистемический хедж; аффективный хедж; гендер; смешанный контекст; разговорный язык.

Introduction

One of the major issues discussed by present-day researchers is the interrelation between the choice of linguistic means, their functions and social factors affecting communication. Among the social factors traditionally discussed in linguistics gender proves to be most controversial. Some scholars describe women's speech as different from that of men [Lakoff 1990; Tannen 1990; Caffi 2007; Durk et al 2008] suggesting that speech styles are affected by variability of the norm. D. Tannen argues that males' speech is more assertive and competitive «report talk», while females' is relational and supportive «rapport talk» [Tannen 1990]. This approach is supported by A. Colley and Z. Todo, whose research into email communication proved that female authors tended to maintain rapport and intimacy rather than male authors [Colley & Todo 2003]. Erickson, Lind, Johnson, and O'Barr refer to gender-marked speech in terms of the «poweful» and «powerless» speech styles, linked to social power and status [Erickson et al 1978]. Low-status speakers, unlike high- status ones, use powerless speech characterized by intensifiers (so, very), hedges (I think, kinda), hesitations (uh, well), hypercorrect grammar, questioning intonation (rising tones in declaratives), polite forms and gestures. Sachs claims that gender-marked language differences can be accounted for by social or environmental reasons [Sachs 2005]. Females' primary need is believed to be that of establishing rapport, while males' is that of manifesting status. Correspondingly, women tend to create intimacy, whereas men demonstrate independence. Yet, no direct link between such factors as subordination / dominance or closeness / distance, on the one hand, and a particular linguistic strategy, on the other has been found so far. For instance, silence is not necessarily a sign of subordination, powerful speakers also resort to silence in some situations.

This also pertains to hedging devices as means of softening utterances by signaling noncommitment and imprecision. Some researchers claimed that the high frequency of hedges in females' speech is indicative of women's indecisiveness and deficiency [O'Barr &Atkins 1980; Carli 1990], whereas in recent years this argument has become contentious as linguistic interest has shifted towards the communicative functions of linguistic means in different sociolinguistic settings [Ehrlich et al 2014]. J. Holmes investigated the use of some hedging devices, such as you know [Holmes 1986], sort of [Holmes 1988] and singled out two primary functions of hedges - affective and epistemic. When used affectively, hedges express the speaker's desire to build up and maintain interpersonal solidarity. When used epistemically, they express the speaker's uncertainty about what is being said. Women generally use hedging devices as «positive politeness» strategies [Brown & Levinson 1987]. For example, sort of softens statements showing concern for other people's needs [Holmes 1988], you know serves as a facilitative device to involve others into conversation [Holmes 1986]. Unlike women, men use these hedges epistemically, i.e., to demonstrate their uncertainty and hesitancy [Holmes 1986; Holmes 1988]. The data obtained challenged the belief about women's insecure communication, interpreting their language as sensitive and caring rather than deficient.

At present the role of the context, same-sex vs. mixed-sex, is not obvious enough. Some researchers claim that gender differences are more likely to be marked in mixed settings, with male / female power differentiation being more pronounced there [Carli 1990; Woods 2011; Cabanes 2014]. Yet, others argue that mixed-sex contexts are characterized by diminished gender differences [Holmes 1986; Holmes 1988; Holmes 1990]. For example, affective hedges are often found in all-female (F / F) talk and are relatively scarce in all-male (M / M) conversation. On the other hand, men can display an accommodative shift and use affective hedges when talking to women [Holmes 1995].

The present research is an attempt to investigate the frequency and the functional potential of hedging devices used in same-sex and mixed-sex contexts by British and American speakers.

Methodology.

For the purpose of the present research a total of 40 samples of authentic informal speech situations, both oral and written, have been subjected to thorough linguistic, contextual, comparative gender analysis. The participants (15 males and 15 females) were British and American expats currently working in Moscow. All of them had degrees of American and European universities above BA. The age of the participants ranged from 27 to 45.

The materials for the research have been obtained from informal emails, telephone conversations and samples of face-to-face communication.

The speech samples are provided by the participants themselves. The emails are taken in the form they were originally written. The oral samples (telephone talks and face-to-face communication) were recorded by the speakers and granted to the authors for analysis. In all cases the participants' permission to use their private information was obtained.

The research questions to be discussed are as follows:

1. Is there a significant gender-marked difference in the use of hedging devices in informal English?

2. What relevance does the context (same-sex vs. mixed-sex) and discourse type (oral / written) have for gender-marked differences?

3. To what extent do social factors other than gender (distance, topic (familiar / unfamiliar) and the speaker's emotional state, affect language behavior?

In the course of the analysis, several classes of hedging devices were traced:

• lexical - sort of, kind of/ kinda, about / around;

• morphological - passive forms, modals;

• syntactic - zf-clauses, tag-questions, structures I think / suppose, you know, declaratives used as questions;

• meta-discursive - pauses, hesitations.

Results and Discussion.

The overall frequency of the hedging devices subjected to analysis is summed up in the pie-chart below (fig. 1).

The distribution of hedges in the two types of informal English, oral and written, proves that they are more common in oral speech:

- oral (telephone calls, face- to-face communication) - 75 %,

- written (e-mail messages) - 25 %.

Gender-related accounts of hedging devices in linguistic literature are rather ambiguous, so the present research aimed to collect more linguistic evidence on hedging and gender.

Figure 1. Hedging devices in gender- marked informal English: overall frequency

The data obtained prove that there is no link between the speaker's gender and the choice of the linguistic form they opt for. In most cases it is not a matter of frequency of occurrence in gender-marked contexts, but rather a matter of functional diversity.

We agree that linguistic items used to mitigate the speaker's utterance can have either epistemic or affective power. When used epistemically, they mark linguistic imprecision or uncertainty. When used affectively, they attenuate the negative imposition of utterances, thus preventing disagreement. In both cases these forms signal the speaker's unintentional vagueness caused by their confusion over a particular linguistic choice.

Distribution of hedges in mixed and non-mixed contexts

One of the tasks set for the given research was to identify the role of the context in gender-marked communication, for this reason the hedging devices for the analysis were obtained from two types of contexts: mixed (male-to-female conversation) and non-mixed (male-to-male conversation, female-to-female conversation). The statistics prove that there is no significant difference in the use of hedges between these two types of contexts. Compare the overall distribution of hedges: mixed conversations - 53 %, non-mixed conversations - 47 %.

The analysis shows comparative frequencies of hedging devices in non-mixed oral contexts: 45 % of instances in F-F contexts against 55 % instances in M-M contexts.

Figure 2. Hedge distribution in Non-mixed oral communication

In both contexts the most common are lexical hedges (37 % and 34 % of instances accordingly), whereas the least frequent is that of morphological hedges (15 % and 18 % of instances), e. g.:

• Discussing a friend at a party:

He's as mad as she is but... sort of uncoordinated. His legs're going in different directions (the lexical hedge sort of - in a F-F oral context)

• Calling a father:

Can I skip this sort of family reunion?

(the lexical hedge sort of - in a M-M oral context)

• Calling a sister on a rainy day:

It's absolutely hammering here now - all my lovely sunflowers might be knocked over... (a morphological hedge - a modal verb - in a F-F oral context)

• Talking about a colleague:

How's Fiona? - Oh, she's fine, might get promotion soon (a morphological hedge - a modal verb - in a M-M oral context)

Meta-discursive devices - pauses, hesitations - rank second in F-F oral contexts (26 %) and third in M-M oral contexts (21 %), e. g.:

• Discussing a weekend:

...meant to be a week doing lots of work ... er ... but wake up feeling this ... er ...great. - Too much partying at the weekend? (a meta-discursive hedge - a pause - in a F-F oral context)

• Talking about fishing:

I don't really fish Chesil, so I haven't really had ...er ... problems with spider crabs there and I never had a feeling of this ... er ... stuff (a meta- discursive hedge - a hesitation - in a M-M oral context)

Syntactic means prove to be more common in conversations between males. Compare: M-M - 27 %, F-F - 22 % of instances. E.g.:

• Discussing shopping on line:

I've looked for the old VW repair book on line. - You don't have one? (a syntactic hedge - a declarative used for questioning - in a M-M oral context)

• Discussing booking a hotel:

They charge about two thousand per night. But that's the average there, you know. (the syntactic hedge you know - in a M-M oral context)

• Talking to a roommate:

Where's that cheese we bought? - Fridge, I think.

(the syntactic hedge I think - in a F-F oral context)

The analysis of non-mixed informal written contexts points to the gender-neutral usage of the majority of hedging devices: 57 % of hedges in F-F contexts and 43 % hedges in M-M contexts.

Figure 3. Hedge distribution in Non-mixed written communication

Noticeable gender-related difference in the non-mixed written contexts analyzed is of qualitative character. M-M contexts are characterized by greater variability of syntactic hedging devices, male speakers tend to employ a whole range of hedges, while females tend to use I think, I suppose, and declaratives used for questioning. E. g.:

• Writing to a son:

I'm not sure, son. I could stay for another couple of days if there's no call from the office (a syntactic means - an if-clause - in a M-M context)

• Discussing a new house:

They've nearly finished all the building work, haven't they?

(a syntactic means - a tag-question - in a M-M context)

• Discussing a friend's family problems:

How is he taking the divorce thing? - Okay, I suppose.

(a syntactic means - the structure I suppose - in a M-M context)

• Writing about repair work:

Guys, anyone used this? - Jim, please, explain? (a syntactic means - a declarative used for questioning - in a M-M context)

• During a coffee break:

You all right for coffee, Jen? - Yeah, I'm all right, thanks.

(a syntactic means - a declarative used for questioning - in a F-F context)

As for the use of passive forms for hedging, they are traced in both types of contexts, although their frequency is low: 1 instance in F-F contexts, and 2 instances in M-M contexts. E. g.:

• Discussing a friend:

She just got picked up as a print model (a F-F context)

• Giving sugar to horses on a farm:

I wasn't sure I was allowed to do that when we drove in. - I'm surprised you were allowed to pass him without doing it (a M-M context)

• Booking plane tickets:

This had better get done today, until the cheapest are sold out (a M-M context)

The statistics for the mixed contexts suggest that the frequency of hedging devices used in oral speech - telephone calls and face-to-face communication (75 %) - is three times as high as in written e-mails (25 %).

The analysis of mixed-context oral communication reveals the predominant usage of lexical (44 %) and syntactic (27 %) hedging devices. E. g.:

• Describing a business trip:

M. I was down in ... er ...a place called ... erm ... down in the Urals as well, ... erm ... Katherinburg. It's kind of east of Moscow.

F It's about two thousand km, right? (the lexical hedges - kind of, about)

• Talking about a dog:

F Today's walk was too long for Holly, wasn't it?

M. I guess so. (syntactic devices - a tag-question and I guess)

In the mixed contexts subjected to analysis, unlike the non-mixed ones, morphological hedges (modal verbs) proved to be more common than meta-discursive devices: 19 % and 10 % correspondingly. E. g.:

• Talking about friends:

F Kas said she may be down in the pub later today

M. This might interest Doug. (morphological devices - modal verbs)

Figure 4. Hedge distribution in mixed oral communication

Figure 5. Hedge distribution in mixed written communication

• Talking on the phone:

M. Thanks ever so much. Sorry about the delay.

F. That's okay ... er ...right, where were we?

(meta-discursive devices - pauses)

The mixed written contexts under analysis display a similar distribution of hedging devices compared to mixed oral contexts. The only difference revealed was absence of meta-discursive devices. E. g.:

• An email to a daughter moving to a Northern state:

So these'll be okay in ice and snow and stuff? It's kind of hard sometimes though, isn't it? (the lexical hedge kind of)

• Spouses talking:

Think it might help with the moth problem, right?

(the syntactic hedge right)

• Talking to a male relative:

F. Hope you might listen in, know you'll have questions to ask us.

M. I'll try to tune in, Jenny. (a morphological device - the modal verb)

According to the data obtained, gender-related differences in mixed- context communication can be traced both at the quantitative level (the frequency of hedging devices in oral speech is higher) and at the qualitative level (meta-discursive devices are not found in writing).

Hedges in gender-marked contexts: functional diversity

In the course of the research, a link between gender and the function of the hedge was revealed. gendered hedge communication pattern

The example below is obtained from a conversation between two male clients at a veterinary clinic, e. g.:

Um ... if you take your dying dog to the vet and ask ... ask for sort of supporting medication, let's say a restorative or something like that, you expect an immediate reaction.

This passage contains several communicative clues: pauses, stammering and hesitations. The hedge is found in the mid-position. These features contribute to interpreting sort of as a means of expressing imprecision, which clearly indicates the speaker's struggle for searching an appropriate lexical item.

The next example illustrates the epistemic power of the hedge kind of, e. g.:

M-M: Could be free - or kinda free.

The example below demonstrates the affective power of the expression sort of in a discussion about redistributing chores between the male roommates, e. g.:

Why - sort... sort of why do you think that you have the right to decide for us all?

In this case the hedge is used not to indicate uncertainty but to mitigate disagreement, performing the function of face protection [Goffman 1955]. The mitigated proposition allows the speaker to disclaim responsibility for the act of denial.

Kind of can also be used to express affect rather than mitigation, e. g.:

M-F: What? I can't be kind of beast father and a tough grandfather?

The data obtained prove that the affective sort of and kind of are found in communicative situations covering emotional and confrontational topics.

Clear cut gender-related differences were observed in the use of you know. When used epistemically, this hedge signals imprecision, lack of confidence and lack of assurance. It is generally found at the end of utterances and in oral communication bears a rising tone, e. g.:

• Two female friends talking:

I'm such a slow writer, it would be a dismal, you know.

When used affectively, you know appeals to the listener's involvement.

It is found both at the end and at the beginning of the utterance, e. g.:

• A man talking to his wife:

I'm a total noob with tie tying, you know.

• Reproaching a friend:

You know, you should have said it an hour ago.

* Refusing a date:

My next weekend is booked up, you know.

According to the collected data, the epistemic you know is used by both males (46 %) and females (54 %) in mixed and non-mixed contexts.

The affective you know is more typical of males' speech (60 %). When used in females' speech (40 %), the affective you know contributes to building up rapport.

Conclusion

The data obtained show that there is no direct correspondence between the choice of the hedge and the speaker's gender in informal English. The quantitative and qualitative analyses show that the use of most hedges is gender-neutral, both in mixed-sex and same-sex communication. Only some of them are gender-marked: syntactic means prove to be more frequent in M-M than in F-F contexts. Meta-discursive devices are more common in same-sex communication.

The discourse type parameter, in terms of gender differences, proves to be relevant in the following cases. In mixed-sex communication hedging devices are three times more frequent in oral speech than in writing. Meta- discursive devices used as hedges are not traced in written discourse.

The material under analysis shows little influence of other social factors, besides gender, on the choice of hedging devices. Here we can mention only unfamiliarity with the topic discussed.

The speaker's emotional state (agitation, doubt, uncertainty) contributes to the use of hedges. This parameter can be related to the functions of hedges, namely, epistemic and affective.

Epistemic hedges are used by males and females in a similar way: they show imprecision, uncertainty and indicate the speakers' non-commitment to what is being discussed. Significant gender-related differences were observed in the use of affective hedges. Females used them to build rapport and express solidarity, whereas males - to express independence and power.

Список литературы / References

1. O'Barr W. M. & Atkins B. K. «Women's language» or «powerless language» // Women and language in literature and society. New York: Prager, 2001. P 93-110.

2. Brown P. & Levinson S. Universals in language use: Politeness phenomena. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987.

3. Cabanes PA. A contrastive analysis of hedging in English and Spanish architecture project description // RESLA. 2014. Vol. 20. P 139-158.

4. Caffi C. Mitigation. Amsterdam: Elsevier, 2007.

5. Carli L. L. Gender, language and influence // Journal of Personality and social Psychology. 1990. Vol. 59. P 941-951.

6. Colley A. & Todo Z. Gender linked differences in the style of content of E-mails to friends // Language in Society. 2003. P 381-391.

7. Dixon J. & Foster D. Gender and Hedging: From sex differences to situated practice // Journal of Psycholinguistic Research. 1997. Vol. 26, № 1. P 89-107.

8. Durik A. M. et al. The effects of hedges in persuasive arguments - A nuance analysis of language // Journal of Language and Social Psychology. 2008. Vol. 27, № 3. P 217-234.

9. Ehrlich S. et al. The handbook of language, gender and sexuality. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2014.

10. Erickson et al. Speech style and impression formation in a court setting: the affects of «powerful» and «powerless» speech // Journal of Experimental Social Psychology. 1978. Vol. 14. P 266-279.

11. Goffman E. On facework: An analysis of ritual elements in social interaction // Communication in face-to-face interaction. Harmondsworth, England: Penguin, 1955. P 319-346.

12. Holmes J. Functions of you know in women's and men's speech // Language in Society. 1986. Vol. 15. P 1-22.

13. Holmes J. Sort of in New Zealand women's and men's speech // Studia Linguistica. 1988. Vol. 42. P 85-121.

14. Lakoff R. Talking power. The politics of language. New York: Basics Books, 1990.

15. Sachs M. A. Gender differences in E-mail communication. 2005. URL: http: // www.Google.com/sociolinguistics/gender (дата обращения: 10.03.2021).

16. Tannen D. You just do not understand: Women and men in conversation. New York: William Morrow and Company, 1990.

17. Woods J. T. Gendered likes: Communication, Gender and Culture. Boston, MA: Wadsworth Cenage Learning, 2011.

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