Proto-Afrasian names of ungulates in light of the Proto Afrasian homeland issue

SED II No. 244; AADB 2470.

*wad- `k. of lesser bovid'82

Sem. *wad-: Arab. wad-an- `mouflon' [Ovis orientalis].

Berb. *a-wdad (part. redupl.) `Barbary sheep (Ammotragus lervia)': Nefusa a-wdad, Semlal, Izdeg, Ghadames, Ghat udad, Ahaggar udad.

Chad. *wad- ~ *daw- (met.) `k. of lesser bovid': W. *wad-: Hausa ud-a `k. of sheep' I C. *daw/y: Mofu dâw `goat', Zime-Batna dèy `duiker' [Tragelaphus sp.].

Cush. E. *?id-`sheep': SA *?ayd- `sheep': Saho ayd-o `sheep (coll.)', Afar id-a `ewe' I LEC *?idad- (redupl.): Bayso idado `sheep'.83 Perhaps also P. Berb. *isa-n (pl.) `meat' which may alternatively originate from AA *sV?- `meat'. In CED #831 (where z is rendered as 5), the above forms are united with the forms in s- (rendered by l) with the following comment: “The word for `cow' shows irregular voiced reflex (b,) in a number of Ch Biu-Mandara languages. Most probably, b- originates from nb < PCh*nf- (note n- as a pref. of sing.);” this ingenious explanation “reconciling” the reflexes of two different AA laterals (Chad. s/l < AA *c and Chad. z/b < AA *s) is opposed by an alternative solution proposed herein. ? is < *?, not < *? in W. Rift languages. Cf. also miscellaneous terms that are somewhat similar and probably eventually related; Sem.: Akk. (lex.) düdu (< *dawd-, partial reduplication?), (OA, SB) a/etüdu `wild sheep (male)'; Off. Aram. (hapax in Frah) ?ndwt (*?V- n-daw-t?) id. (cf. SED II No. 44) and Cush. *?ad(d)Vy- (?): E. *?addi `large cattle': SA.: Afar addi `young heifer', HEC: Hadiya addi-cco, Sidamo adde, Burji addi `heifer'; S. *de?- (met.?); S.: Qwadza de?- `to herd', Ma'a dé `cow, cattle'. Cf. Blazek 2003b: 244 (Beja da `newly born calf' and the E. and S. Cush. forms are probably not related, since Beja d does not continue *d). Difference in the first radicals and stem patterns makes cognation with the present root questionable.

^ Cf. Sum. udu `sheep' (EDS #2678).

AADB 2531.

*(?a-)w/yan- `k. of lesser bovid'

Chad. (?a-)yan-`goat': W. *yan-: Siri yâàn-i II E. *?ayn- `goat': Birgit ?àyn-éy, Migama ï:n-â, Jegu ?àyn-éy (té-én-ô, pl. ?één `he-goat'). Cf. Can. *Han(y)-: Tenerife ana, hana, jana `sheep'.

Cush. *(?a-)w/yan-: N.: *?an-: Beja an-o `sheep' II LEC *wan-: Somali wan, pl. wanan `ram', Rendille onô `sheep' I HEC *?ayn-: Burji ayâan-e `gazelle'. Cf. also Afar anaî-to `lamb (female)' (non-etymological -Î). Sem. Gur.: Cha. ona, Eza onnä `young male goat

or sheep' must be from Cush.

Omot. S. *yVn- `sheep': Dime iin, (?) Ongota hoona (h- probably renders ?).

AADB 2530.

*war- `k. of larger bovid'

Egyp. (MK) wr.t `göttliche Kuh', wr `Steer', in dem Ortsnamen.

Berb. *wVrw- (< *?arw): Semlal ta-uru-t `troupeau (de bœufs)', Azilal ta-wru-tt `troupeau'. Chad. W. *war-: Hausa wariyy-a `a k. of antelope', Cf. also warari `a vicious bull' (Skinner 1996: 283). Dera wor-e, Kariya wur-ù, Warji ruwe (met.) `cow'.

Cush. E.: HEC *war-: Sidamo war-aamo `older calf'.

HSED 2527; AADB 2497.

Camels and equids

*dawk- `k. of equid'

Sem. *kawd-an- (met.) `mule': Akk. (OAkk. on) kudanu (kudannu) I Ebl. gu-da-num <kuda- num> I Ugr. kdn-t I Aram.: Off. kwdn, Palm. kwdn, Syr. kudan-ya, küddn-é I Arab. kawdan-, kaw- dan-iyy-. Likely related is Tgr. mäkada, name of the small Abyssinian horse.

Chad.: W. *daw(a)k- `horse': Hausa dok-i, Karekare doku, Miya duwak-ä, Burma dok, Ngizim duk-à, etc. II C. *(n-)dok: Tera doh `stallion', Pizimdi-Hina n-dok `pony' II E. *dawk-: Dangla dewk-i `antilope-cheval' [Hippotragus equinus].

Cush. S. *dak-et-: Iraqw dak-eti, Alagwa dek-eti `zebra' [Hippotigris sp.]. Cf. irregular variant forms (variant roots?): C.: Bilin, Khamir ddh<sup>w</sup>ara, pl. ddk<sup>w</sup>al, Aungi ddy<sup>w</sup>ari, etc. `donkey'; E.: LEC: Oromo donkoro `stupid, fool', (Bararetta dial.) dongorra `donkey'; S.: Iraqw, Gorowa, Alagwa, Burunge dakwai `donkey', Qwadza dagwagwai-ko (Dolgopolskiy 1973: 275), dak<sup>w</sup>ak<sup>w</sup>ay-iko (Ehret 1980: 345). Cf. also Chad. C. *zVng<sup>w</sup>- `donkey' (Stolbova 2009 #530).

> SED II No. 124; AADB 2639; cf. HSED 667.

*gayl- `camel'

Sem. (a) *?a-gayl- and *gilgal- (redupl.) `k. of equid': Akk. (OAkk. on) agal-u, agall-u `an equid' (CAD a1 141), `Reitesel' (AHw: 15) I Ebl. ag-lum = ANSE.NITA.KUR (a donkey) I Tgr. gdlgäl `foal (mule, horse)', Tna gdlgdl `puledro di cavallo o mulo non ancora domato' (Bas- sano 1918: 815), Amh. gdlgäl `the young of domestic animals (goat, sheep, horse, donkey)'; (b) *gimal- (met. < *gayl-am-) Cf. a similar process in *himar- < *hayr-am-(2.4). `camel': Hbr. gamal I Aram.: Off., Palm., Nab. gml, Syr. gaml-a I Sab. gml I Arab. jaml-, jamal- I Gz. gamal I Jib. gül (pl. gmihl), Soq. gimâl.

Berb. *gilgal- (redupl.): Ahaggar a-gelgâl-i `chameau de charge commun et lourd'.90

Cush. E. *gayl- `camel': SA *gal-: Saho, Afar gal-a II LEC *gayl-: Somali geel-a (coll.), Boni g'ââl, Rendille gaal, Oromo, Baiso gaal-a, Arbore gaal, Elmolo gal-te.91

AADB 2508; cf. SED II No. 79.

*hi/ul(l)- `k. of equid'

Sem. *hil(l)-ay- `colt, foal': Akk. (OB) ilulay-u `ein Kamel?' Il Tgr. hel-e `camel (poet.)', Tna. hawl-a `donkey's colt or foal of about two years' Il Hrs. me-heley-ot `she-camel with fully-grown young'.

Berb. S. *hulil (redupl.) `wild ass, foal': Ghat a-hulil `âne sauvage' [Equus asinus], Ahaggar a-hâhul `jeune chameau non castré', Ayr, E. Wlm. ç-hulel, pl. i-hule-tan `poulain, ânon'.

Cush. E. *?i-hVl- (redupl.) `k. of equid': LEC *(?i-)haw/yl-: Rendille é-hel, Arbore holl I Dul- lay *(H)all-: Gollango ooll-ô `Pferd' II S. *hVllV?- (met.?): Dahalo helle?-a `zebra' [Hippotigris sp.].92

AADB 2462.

*ha/ir- `wild ass'

Sem. (a) *hayur- `ass, camel': Arab. huwar-, hiwar- `petit de chameau récemment né, ou jusqu'à l'époque du sevrage'93 Il MSA *hayr-, pl. hayor:94 Mhr. hayr`male donkey', hïr-ït `female donkey', Hrs. hayr `donkey', hayr-ët `she-donkey', Hbt hâyr, pl. hyeér (m.), hiiri-it, pl. hiyôr-t3 (f.) `donkey, ass', Jib. (Kathïri dial.) a-hyér `male donkey'; (b) *himar- `wild ass, onager, donkey' (met. < *hayr-am-):95 Akk. (OAkk. on) imër-u `donkey, male donkey' II Ugr. hmr; Hbr. hamor `he-ass' I Aram.: Off. hmr `donkey, ass', f. `she-ass', Palm. hmr `donkey, ass', Syr. hmar-a `asinus', hmar-ta `asina', Mand. hamar-a `pack-animal, ass, donkey' I Sab., Min. hmr `ass; wild ass, onager' [Equus asinus, E. hemionus], `domesticated ass' I Arab. himar- `âne; âne sauvage, onagre' [E. asinus, E. hemionus], himarat- `ânesse'96 I Gur. *3mar `donkey': Cha. Gog. 3mar, Sod. ämar, Wol. umar, etc.97

Cush.: N. *har-: Beja har-e `camel' (Blazek 2003b:13)98 Il E. *ha(y)r- `wild ass, donkey': SA *hayr-: Saho her-a `female donkey' I LEC *harr-: Oromo harr-ee, Konso harr-eta, Dirayta harr-et `donkey', Dullay *har(r)-: Gawwada, Dobase, Golango harre, Harso har-iccé `ass' [Equus asinus].99

SED II Nos. 98, 106; AADB 2463, 4120.

*kwar- `wild ass or camel'100 Cf. Zenaga a-zij (< *a-gil) `âne'. HEC *gal-: Sidamo, Darasa gaala, Burji gaali; Dullay *kal- (< *gal-): Gawwada kaal-hô (< *kal-k-), Harso, Di- hina, Gollango kaalâ probably from Oromo. Omot.: Dache, Zaysse gaale, Yemsa gaala, Kafa gallo, Dizi (Sheko) gaale `camel' perhaps also from Oromo, probably via HEC. Omot. N.: Zaisse ollo, wollo, Ganjule ollo `horse' are probably lws. from Dullay. Tgr. h3war `young (of camel or donkey)' is likely an Arabic loan. Berb.: Ahaggar awra, pl. iwerân `chameau dans sa 1ère année', Ayr, E. Wlm. awara, pl. iwaran `chamelon de quelque mois' are probably Arabisms. Erroneously related to Sem. *îayr- `donkey' in SED II No. 50, analyzed as forms with the definite article h-. However, this article occurs only in “words with an initial radical ?... and certain...monosyllables with an initial w or y radical” (Johnstone 1987: 163-4). There seems to be no cases of the h-article replacing initial etymological Ã- in either Mhr. or Jib. Cf. a similar process in *gimal- (< *gayl-am- (2.2). Cf. also ahmür-, yahmür `onagre' [Equus hemionus]. Cf. Mhr. h3mür `to tame, break (a horse)', Hrs. hemor `to tame, break (a riding beast)', Jib. hor `to tame, break, domesticate (an animal)'. Cf. harri `mount (anything that can be ridden)'. Wolamo hariya, Gofa haare, Gamo, Dorze, Cancha, Kullo hare, Malo, Dache, Zayse hare, Kachama haarre, Ari harra `donkey' - likely lws. from Oromo. Cf. NAA *kawr- `load, carry a load': Sem.: (a) Arab. kwr `porter qqch. sur son dos', II `empaqueter (des ba-gages)' (BK II942), (b) `pack saddle, bat': Hbr. kar `bât (de chameau)', Arab. kür- `selle de chameau', Tna, Tgr. kor,

Amh. kor-aca, Arg. kor-acca `selle' (DRS 1202), Amh. kärkar `louage des bêtes de somme' (DRS 1276); Chad. (a) *kVr-, kVrkVr- `load, carry a load' (CED #446): W.: Bolewa, Karekare karài `load', Ngizim kâkarâ `load', kàkàrû `carry a load', Bade karày `goods', Duwai karkarà `load carried on the head', C.: Bura kari `goods, possessions', Fali-Kirya k<sup>w</sup>àr `to unload', E.: Tumak gar `carry; a load' (g- < *k- is regular), (b) W.: Hausa ta-karkari `pack ox'.

Sem. *kwVrr- and *kwVrkwVr- (redupl.) `she-camel': Hbr. kirkär-ät `she-camel' (redupl.) I Arab. kurr- `ânon, poulain' (DRS: 1283)101 lAmh. kwdrkwdr, Wolane kurkur `interjection one uses when calling a donkey' (redupl.) Il Hobyot kôokar (redupl.) `female camel (from 2 to 3 years)'.102

Berb. S. *-kirkar (redupl.): Ayr, E. Wlm. i-kdrkar (pl.) `camels'.

Chad. *kwar-: W. *kwar- `wild ass, donkey': Chip kor-o, Bolewa kor-o, Ngizim kwâr-â, etc. II C. *kwar- `ass': Tera kôr-ô, Hwona, Margi, Gude kwar-a, Banana kwar-a103 I E. *kur- `ass': Ndam kùr-o, Kwang kur-ä, etc.

Cush. *ku/ar-: N. *kar-: Beja kâr-ee-see `Kamellaus' (see `louse') II E.: LEC *(?Vn-)kur-: Somali kôr-on `castrated camel; barren she-camel', Rendille in-kuraarr-u `donkey colt, young donkey'.

Omot. N. *kur- `donkey': Chara kur-a, Kafa, Mocha, Anfillo kur-o, Gimirra, Dizi (Sheko) kur.

AADB 2468.

*pira?- `k. of equid'104

Sem. *para?- `onager, wild ass' [Equus asinus, E. hemionus]: Akk. (OB on) parû `Onager, Maultier' II Hbr. pärä(?) I Sab. fr? I Arab. fara?-.

(?) Egyp. (18 Dyn.) rnp (met. < *pr-n?) `young horse'.

Chad. W. *pirr- `k. of equid': Gerka pirr-i `mare' I C. *pur-: Bura pur-u `white horse'.105

Cush. *fi/ar- `k. of equid': N *firr-: Beja firr-at `she-camel just foaled' Il E. *far-: SA *farar- (redupl.): Saho, Afar farar `horse' I LEC *faraw: Somali, Arbore faraw `zebra' [Hippotigris sp.].106

^ Seems like a genuine Proto-Afrasian term for a kind of equid.

SED II No. 176; AADB 2503.

Largest herbivores Cf. kawr- `troupeau nombreux (de chameaux, de bœufs)'. Note a striking similarity both in form (reduplication) and meaning (she-camel) in Hbr. and Hbt. Cf. also Amh. kärkar `louage des bêtes de somme'. Cf. Nzangi kara, Bata-Zumo kara `horse'. There are several (five, to be exact) somewhat similar triconsonantal roots in which it is not easy to distin-guish between chance similarity and borrowing from suppletive stems such as Somali faras and pl. fârdô, Bilin fardä and pl. fâriz, bädrä and pl. bäzir, Khamir bâzrâ and pl. baris. Two of them are well represented in Sem. (*pird- and *paras-), nearly all in E. Cush and all in C. Cush while a few Chad. and Omot. parallels are most likely loan-words; notably, they seem to have no parallels in Beja, S. Cush., Egyp. and Berb. Surprisingly, all of them mean `horse', which apparently excludes their PAA status. This entangled situation is worth a separate piece of research, which the authors are planning to publish soon. Hardly named after its color, since there seems to be no corresponding color name in the available Bura lexicon. Omot. N. *far- `horse': Wolayta, Zala, Dawro, Gofa, Gamu, Charafar-a < SA? Some examples from individual languages are quoted after Blazek 1994; however, distribution of the forms among different entries, based on regular consonantal correspondences, is in most cases quite different from this highly valuable collection of data.

3.1. '^daMg^Vr^elephant' [L. africana]

Chad. E. *dugur-: Gabri dügür-ù, Sokoro dogol (-l < *-r?). Also duger or dukur `rhinoceros'. Cf. Dangla dugulo, Migama dipillu `trunk' and W. Saharan: Daza dugugul `trunk of elephant'.

Cush. S. *dangw-: Iraqw dangw-.

Omot. *dang-Vr-: N.: Zaise dongor, Kafa dangiy-o II S.: Ari dangor, Hamar donger.

AADB 2519. Cf. Blazek 1994: 199.

*duhr- `elephant'

Egyp. (late) dnhr (met. < *dhr-n?)`elephant' [Loxodonta africana].

Chad. W.*dor-in-`hippopotamus' [Hippopotamus amphibius]: Hausa dorïn-a, Mupun ddrin-a, Miya dorin-a, Tsagu doran-à (the last three words can be lws. from Hausa).

Omot. *duHur- `elephant' [L. africana]: N.: Dizi (Nao, Maji) dor, (Sheko) door I S.: Dime duur-o.

AADB 2524; cf. Blazek 1994: 199.

*fil- `a proboscidean mammal'

Sem. *pïl- and *pVlpVl- (redupl.): Akk. (OB) pïl-u I pB. Hbr. pïl I Aram.: Syr. pïl-â, Mnd. pil(-a) I Arab. fil- `elephant' [Loxodonta africana] I Gz. falfal `water buffalo; elephant' [Syncerus caffer; L. africana].

Chad. *pil-: C. *pil-: Bura pili-ngir109 `aardvark' [Orycteropus afer].110

Cush. S. *fil-: Iraqw fil-a, Alagwa fil-i, Burunge fil-u `aardvark' [O. afer] I Qwadza fil-imbayo `honey-badger' [Mellivora capensis].

Cf. SED II No. 173; AADB 2528. Cf. Blazek 1994: 196.

*gumar-~ *garyam-`hippopotamus'

Chad.: C. *garyam-n1 `hippopotamus' [Hippopotamus amphibius]: Musgu geryam, Vulum, Mbara gàriyàm, Masa garyam, Banana garyam-ba I E. *girim-: Tumak glrim, Birgit girim-ti.

Cush. *gumar-112 `hippopotamus' [H. amphibius]:113 C. *gumar-ï: Khamir gumär-i, Khamta gumar, Qwara gumâr-e, gumâr-ï, Kemant gumâr-ï, Aungi gumâr-ã I E. *gumar-: Saho gümar-ë, Afar gümar-ï I HEC: Qabenna gomarr-a, Tembaro gumorr-a.114

^ Cf. NS *ygwi:r `large horned or tusk herbivore' (Ehr. #514) and *ygwi:rént `hippopotamus' (ibid. #515).

AADB 2526; cf. Blazek 1994: 202-3.

*lab?- `k. of largest herbivore'

Egyp. irb? (< *?V-lbV?-?) Blench, 2009 :141 (draft printout); ngir ideof. describes large number of people or birds sitting in one place. Cf. also W. *pil: Gwandara pïil 'spear grass' [Heteropogoncontortus], Angas piil `elephant grass' [Pennisetum purpureum]. It is an important element of forage for elephants in Africa, hence its name “elephant grass”. The metathesis is probably due to folk etymology, cf. Chad. C. *gar- `bull': Musgu gari `(big) bull', Muskum gèrré, Vulum gàri`bull' and PAA *yVm- `water'. Cf. Blazek 1994: 204. Blazek also refers to Militarev's Ms. from 1987, in which Berb. *a-gumär `horse' is compared to this Cush. term, referring to a well-known connection between horse and hippopotamus. However, the expected semantic development is reference to a hippo as “(river) horse” metaphorically; the reverse meaning shift is hard to imag-ine, which makes the Chad-Cush. comparison, already problematic because of metathesis, even less probable. Borrowed in Eth. as *g^wamäri `hippopotamus' (note also Gz. gamar, Amh. gumarr-e `large monkey'). Blazek (1994: 202) quotes Gordon's interpretation of Ugr. gmr as `a kind of animal capable of fighting ferociously' (Gordon, 1965: 380), calling it “a promising Semitic cognate”. In Olmo Lete and Sanmartin 2003, however, gmr is glossed as `champion, fighter' with Sem. cognates. Cf. Omot. N.: Kullo gomar-a `hippopotamus', isolated, likely a lw. from HEC. Otherwise < *?V-rbV?- comparable to E. Cush. *?arb- `elephant'. Cf. Mokilko lollib-o `trunk'. `rhinoceros (?)' [Diceros bicornis].

Chad. W. *lab-: Tangale lab-ata II E.: Mokilko ?êlb-i (met.?) `elephant' [Loxodonta africana].116

Cush. HEC *la?ab-(met.?): Hadiya, Kambatta loob-a `hippopotamus' [Hippopotamus amphibius].

AADB 2513. Cf. HSED #1662; Blazek 1994: 203.

*pir- `k. of largest herbivore'

Sem.: Akk. (OB on) pïr-u, per-u `elephant' [Loxodonta africana]. Usually regarded as a by-form of pïl-u (see in 3.3) due to its sound Sem. etymology, indisputable in light of Gz. falfal (cf. discussion in SED II: 228).

Chad. *pir-: W.: Hausa fyâr-mà `a young female elephant' Il C.: Margi pir, Sukur n-ver-i (< *n-per-i) `elephant'. Cf. W.: Kofyar feer, Warji farai, pârâi, Karya pâr, Miya à-pâr `horn'; C.: Daba fàlam (-l can be < *-r), Buwal fàr-àm, etc. `horn'. The reconstruction of *-s (not *-c) is based on the Mbara form alone. There is also Syr. hars-üm-ä `proboscis; labia bovis' which matches the Eth. noun phonetically, but semanti-cally seems not close enough to be related. Also haris, horas, ?arwehoras, ?awrähars, ?awräris. Arab. harïs- is a lw. < Gz.; E. Cush.: Saho haris < Mod. Eth. < *worse-ta; cf. Bayso wörsesa, borrowed from Oromo. < Sem. *hyw/y `to live' (> Hbr. hayyä `animals, beasts', Syr. hayyüt-, Hbt. haywuûn `animal'). Cf. the similar SAA root *jakan- `elephant' [L. africana]: Cush. E.: Saho, Afar dakaan-o (< *dakan- or *jakän-), LEC: Somali dagon (< *dakVn- or *jakVn-), Dahalo dokom-i, dokom-i (< *dVkVm- or, perhaps, *jVkVm-; the Dahalo reflex of AA *ç is not clear -- see Takacs 2011: 119); Omot. N. *zak(kV)-nV: Kacama, Koyra zäkk-ä, Gofa zakk-i, Ganjule zakk-a, Yemsa zakn-ö (the Omot. terms may otherwise have been borrowed from Bantu *nzok `elephant'). s in Yaaku may reflect *z < *3 /3.

Cush. E. *pury-: Yaaku puria?, pl. puri-ain `rhinoceros' [Diceros bicornis].

AADB 4259.

*wars- `rhinoceros'119

Sem.: Eth. *hawris- `rhinoceros' [Diceros bicornis]:120: Gz. haris,121 Tna., Tgr. haris, Amh. haris,

awraris.122

Chad. C. *warz-: Mbara wi(r)z-t, (?) Gidar wals-ya (-l < *-r and *z > s influenced by l?) `bull'.

Cush. E. *wors- `rhinoceros' [Diceros bicornis]: LEC *wors-: Oromo worse-sa,123 Konso ors-ayta (also `hippo' [Hippopotamus amphibius] acc. to Black), Gidole ors-ayt, Dirayta ors-ayt (also `gnu' [Connochaetes sp.]) I HEC *wors-aî-: Hadiya orsaî-ado, Burji wors-a I Dullay *wVrs-VÎ-: Gollango, Harso orsaî-ado lYaaku orse?.

^ The resemblance of all these forms can hardly be accidental, though the origin of Eth. *h- is far from clear. It could have been explained by *h- > 0- in some of the non-Semitic languages quoted, but *h is expected to be preserved as h or h in Hadiya, Gollango and Yaaku. It could be suggested that the Eth. term may go back to the compound form *hayäw `alive, living'124 + *waris- paralleling ?arwehoras `animal / beast + rhinoceros' > ?awrähars > ?awräris (above). Cf. especially Proto-North Caucasian *wHarAwa `pig, piglet'.

> AADB 2529; cf. Blazek 2003b: 270, Blazek 1994: 201.

*jag(w)- `k. of largest herbivore'125

Egyp. (MK) z?gd (met. < *?zg or ? renders -a-?) `ein Fabeltier'.

Chad. W. *(n-)3ungw-(met. < *jagw-n-): Diri, Pa'a jupgw-a, Siri jipw-a `hippopotamus' [Hippopotamus amphibius], Dwot n-dzugh-u `elephant' [Loxodonta africana].

Cush. E. *zag-am-: Yaaku sogom-èi `elephant' [L. africana].126

Omot. N. *?a-zag-ay `hippopotamus' [H. amphibius]: Kacama azage, Koyra azzage, azzagi, Ganjule azagé.

AADB 2521. Cf. HSED 2658; Blazek 1994: 204.

*juna?- `elephant'

Chad. *juna?- `elephant' [Loxodonta africana]: W. *jawn-: Ngizim jàun-àk II C. *juwan-: Tera jùwàn, Sukur juwan I E.: *juna?: Nanchere Jena?, Gabri jén-u, Kabalai, Dormo jun-o.

Cush. *juna?- `elephant' [L. africana]: C. *JaHun- (met.): Bilin, Qwara, etc. jan-a, Khamir zohôn, Aungi ziyon-i I E.: HEC *jana?-: Darasa dana?-è, Kambatta zan-o, etc. II S.: Dahalo dannab-a If analyzed as danna-ba, this would be another case of Dahalo d (usually < *d) as a reflex of *3/3, besides mciïade `in *maîi(n)3- `k. of ungulate' (1.5b.) `female elephant'.

AADB 2522. Cf. HSED #2658; Blazek 1994: 199.

Discussion

Given the above genealogical classification of Afrasian, only those roots whose reflexes are attested in both SEBC and CO branches can be labeled PAA; attestation in Semitic makes this status incontestable. In case of faunistic terms, though, this principle cannot be strictly followed, since the retention of PAA animal names depended on availability of the denotata in the area where the respective language speakers had migrated.

There are two opposing views on the ancestral home of the Afrasians. Alexander Militarev's Levantine hypothesis is supported by Blazek (2013), and a similar view is held by the archaeologist Peter Bellwood (2013). The idea of an African homeland, originally put forward by Igor Diakonoff (1981; later, however, he would lean more towards the Levantine hypothesis, cf. Diakonoff 1998) is promoted in various works by Christopher Ehret (e.g., Ehret 2011) and Roger Blench (e.g., Blench 2006) and, to a certain degree, shared by George Starostin (Starostin 2017).

The hypothesis according to which Proto-Afrasians may be associated with the highly developed Natufian and Post-Natufian Epipaleolithic culture of hunters and gatherers (12,500-9,500 BCE) is based on several main arguments. First, some of the multiple reconstructed terms Ca. 30 in Militarev 2002; the number has more than doubled with a lot of newly processed data, especially

Chadic --publication of a new list is forthcoming. point to incipient agriculture rather than foraging. Since the 11^th millennium is regarded by modern scholarship as too early a period for incipient farming, the following scenario could explain the inventory of terms referring to farming and formally qualifying for Proto- Afrasian status: PSA speakers moved southward from the Levant to the north and, later, south Arabia (from where they moved to East Africa supposedly by or in the 8^th mill.), while PNA speakers stayed in the Levant and created the Pre-Pottery Neolithic A culture which set farming in motion in the 10^th mill.; some of the farming prac-tices and terms could have passed from them to Proto-South Afrasians who were still located in Arabia, creating the illusion of Proto-Afrasian farming terminology when, in fact, it is representing only the PNA (PSEBC) stratum. For such an early period, both are typical of West Asia, the South Levant in particular, rather than of East or North Africa. Second, the whole picture of PAA culture reconstructed from the PAA lexicon (referring to social and economic differentiation, some terms relating to trade, weaponry, building and dwelling, etc.) features a society highly developed for that period which, again, implies the Levant rather than East or North Africa. Third, there are at least several dozens of hypothetical cultural isoglosses between the non-Semitic Afrasian daughter proto-languages (Berber, Chadic, Cushitic) and, on one hand, Sumerian (Militarev 1995) and, on the other, North Caucasian (Militarev & Starostin 2007), speaking in favor of ethnic and cultural contacts between the corresponding speaking groups which could take place in West Asia in the period between the split of PAA and migration of most of its daughter proto-languages to Africa. As for Sumerian-Afrasian (non-Semitic) suggested isoglosses, all of them have a PAA origin and, on chronological grounds, can only be loanwords into Sumerian from various intermediate proto-languages of differ-ent Afrasian branches. It is possible that another (extinct and unattested) branch of AA in Mesopotamia could function as a substratum under Sumerian; this assumption by Militarev (1995) was accepted as probable by Diakonov (1996). See Mithen 2003; Lev et al. 2020.

Counter-arguments rely on the repertoire of the PAA zoonyms denoting numerous African wild bovids (including most “antelopes”), elephants, rhinoceroses, hippopotami, crocodiles and odd-toed ungulates (except for onager) and large carnivores (lion, leopard, wolf, jackal, etc.). African animals did not inhabit the Levant during the warmer Preboreal phase of Holocene, which includes the Pre-Pottery Neolithic period (ca. 9,500-8,500 BCE, see Table 1), though the names of these animals are technically reconstructed on the PAA level. Regular consonantal correspondences between the reflexes of these roots point to their PAA origin, though the primary meaning of PAA terms is hard to specify considering the length of time that has passed since the PAA split.

Climate of the Levant in the era of the Natufian culture (ca. 12,500-9,500 BCE) was unacceptable for tropical mammals. The Natufians hunted only the following ungulates: gazelles [Gazella gazella, G. subgutturosa], deer [Cervus elaphus, Damadama], ibex [Capra ibex], aurochs [Bos primigenius], wild boar [Sus scrofa] and onager [Equus hemionus].131 A corresponding set of wild animal names has been reconstructed for Proto-Semitic (see SED II) whose Urheimat was most likely situated in West Asia, including the Levant, whereas for PAA as many as ca. 50 terms for wild ungulates have been reconstructed, most of them presumably representing various species. Such a variety of ungulate species is typical of the North East African sub- equatorial fauna, which has essentially remained unchanged since the end of Pleistocene.

Many terms denoting tropical African “antelopes” “Antelopes” comprise a miscellaneous group within bovids, encompassing Old World (mostly African) ruminants that are not bovines, sheep, or goats. and largest animals such as elephant, hippopotamus, and rhinoceros, are to be formally considered PAA as well. These PAA roots are usually well reflected in Chadic (less so in Berber and Egyptian), Cushitic, and/or Omotic, but poorly attested in Semitic, whose original habitat being West Asia, the terms for “largest herbivores” sometimes refer to mythical animals (`monster', `fabulous bull' and the like), while those for other ungulates usually denote various species of cattle, sheep and goats, asses, In this connection it is worth mentioning that the only species of odd-toed ungulates attested in the Levant is the onager, whereas Africa was home to several species of wild equids. The detailed elaboration of these terms is prepared for publication by the same authors as well as recon-struction of other PAA zoonyms including monkeys (4 terms -- none in Semitic), other mammals (8 terms, a selec-tion), birds (11, a selection), reptiles (9, a selection), water reptiles and amphibia (4, a selection), fish (5, a selection). horses and camels.

Another group of PAA zoonyms relevant for the Urheimat problem is represented by predators. There are 8 reconstructed terms for canines including `dog' (*kawit-, *kwihan-, *KVj/jim-), `k. of wild canine' (*?away-, *?aw/ys-, *bawih-, *kur(-ay-), *wans-), 4 undifferentiated terms `k. of canine or hyena' (*?a/usk-ay-, *ba?Vs-, *gVd-*wahr-), 9 terms for felines including `lion' (*labi?-), `leopard or lion' (*ba?y-), `k. of (wild) feline' (*Ÿariw-, *ba?is-, *da(?/y)m-, *giwar-, *layc-, *mary-, *sawr-), and one undifferentiated term `k. of feline, hyena or viverra' (*?afur-).134 These considerations should rather stimulate searching for the PAA homeland in the East African area, a hypothesis already voiced by several scholars, including Igor M. Diakonoff and others.

Linguistic families	Disintegration of language families (year BCE) Approximate glottochronological dates.	Palaeoclimatic periods (Europe, Western Asia)	Palaeoclimatic periods: approximate dates (year BCE)	Significant archaeological cultures in Levant	Archaeological cultures: approximate dates (year BCE)
Pleistocene
		Oldest Dryas (cold)	12,000-11,600	Kebaran (Epipaleolithic, wildcrafting and hunting)	16,000-10,500
		Bolling-Allerod interstadial (warmer/colder/ warmer)	12,600-10,900	Early Natufian (Epipaleolithic, wildcrafting and hunting)	12,000-10,800
Proto-Afrasian	10,500	Younger Dryas See Platt et al. 2017. (colder)	10,900-9,640	Late Natufian See Grosman 2013: 622-627. (Epipaleolithic, developed wildcrafting and hunting)	10,800-9,500
Linguistic families	Disintegration of language families (year BCE) Approximate glottochronological dates.	Palaeoclimatic periods (Europe, Western Asia)	Palaeoclimatic periods: approximate dates (year BCE)	Significant archaeological cultures in Levant	Archaeological cultures: approximate dates (year BCE)
Holocene
Proto-Sem.-Eg.-Berb.- Chadic	9,000	Preboreal (warmer)	9,640-8,500	Pre-Pottery Neolithic A See Chazan 2017:197, Kuijt & Finlayson 2009: 10966-10970. (local origin, beginning of agriculture)	9,000-8,000
Proto-Cush.-Omotic	8,800			Pre-Pottery Neolithic B See Chazan 2017: 197. (Anatolian origin, agriculture and beginning of cattle breeding)	9,000-7,000
Proto-Eg.-Berb.-Chadic	7,800	Boreal See Dansgaard et al. 1989: 532-534. (cool, dry, rising temperature)	8,500-6,900
Proto-Cushitic	7,500
Proto-North- Central Cushitic	6,800	Atlantic See Rasmussen et. al 2005. (warm, moist, maximum temperature)	6,900-3,700	Pottery Neolithic See Goring-Morris & Belfer-Cohen 2013. (agriculture and cattle breeding) and several subsequent neolithic cultures (developed agriculture and cattle breeding)	7,000-5,000
Proto-Berb.-Chadic	6,500
Proto-East Cushitic Including Yaaku.	6,000
Proto-Omotic	6,000
Proto-Chadic	5,500
Proto-South Cushitic Including Ma'a and Dahalo.	4,800
Proto-South Omotic Including Ongota.	4,600
Proto-Semitic	4,600
Proto-North Omotic Including Dizi and Mao.	4,200

Table 1. Comparative dates of Proto-Afrasian and Afrasian language families, palaeoclimatic periods and synchronous archaeological cultures in Levant

Solid retention of PAA roots denoting representatives of African fauna in Proto-Chadic contrasts with weaker integrity in Egyptian and Proto-Berber and largely relict reflexation in Proto-Semitic. This may be explained by the latitudinal arrangement of the proto-languages descending from PSEBC dialects. The aggregate area of the latter probably stretched from Northeast Africa up to the Levant. The Cushitic and Omotic homelands would be situated in East Africa further to the south than the PSEBC homeland.

Appendix: Alphabetic index of reconstructed roots

*?ar(a)w/y- `k. of larger bovid' 1.1a.	*yawj- `k. of smaller bovid' 1.15.
*?ar(a)w/y- `k. of lesser bovid'l.lb.	*ha/ir- `wild ass' 2.4.
*?ayl- `k. of lesser bovid' 1.2.	*hawr- `k. of larger bovid' 1.16.
*îafVw- `k. of lesser bovid' 1.3.	*hi/u(l)l- `k. of equid' 2.3.
*îi(n)y and *?i(n)y `k. of smaller bovid' 1.4a.	*kwayr- `young (small) bovid' 1.17.
*ba/i?- ~ *ba?ba?- `k. of lesser bovid (Tragelaphus	*kwar- `wild ass or camel' 2.5.
silvaticusiy 1.5.	*lab?- `k. of largest herbivore' 3.5.
*balay/w- `k. of lesser bovid' 1.6.	*lawi?- `k. of large bovid' 1.18.
*baray- ~ *bayar- `k. of lesser bovid' 1.7.	*ma-?i(n)j- `k. of bovid' 1.4b.
*cawi?- `k. of bovid' 1.8.	*mayn- `k. of large bovid' 1.19.
*ca?iw- `k. of lesser bovid' 1.9a.	*mar(ay)- `k. of large bovid' 1.20a
*cawir- `male large bovid or herbivore' 1.9b.	*(?a-)mayr- `k. of small bovid' 1.20b.
*da(n)gw(Vr)- `elephant' 3.1.	*na?iw- `k. of bovid' 1.21.
*dawk- `k. of equid' 2.1.	*pir- `k. of largest herbivore' 3.6.
*duhr- `elephant' 3.2.	*pira?- `k. of equid' 2.6.
*(?a-)dury- `k. of bovid' 1.10.	*saraw/y- `k. of bovid' 1.22.
*fa(?)n- `k. of large bovid' 1.11.	*sa?- ~ *saî- `k. of large bovid' 1.23.
*fil- `a proboscidean mammal' 3.2.	*wa?il- `k. of lesser bovid' 1.24.
*(?a-)fir- `k. of bovid' 1.12.	*wad- `k. of lesser bovid' 1.25.
*ga/ud- `wild pig' 1.13b.	*(?a-)w/yan- `k. of lesser bovid' 1.26.
*gawr- `k. of bovid' 1.14a.	*war- `k. of larger bovid' 1.27.
*gayl- `camel' 2.2.	*wars- `rhinoceros' 3.7.
*guday- `k. of larger bovid' 1.13a.	*3ag(w)- `k. of largest herbivore' 3.8.
*gumar- ~ *garyam- `hippopotamus' 3.4.	*3una?- `elephant' 3.9.
*gur- `wild pig' 1.14b.



Abbreviations

			Names of languages
AA	Afrasian = Afro-Asiatic	Copt.	Coptic	ESud	East Sudanic
Akk.	Akkadian	Cush.	Cushitic	Eth.	Ethiopic
Amh.	Amharic	Dem.	Demotic	Ez.	Eza
Arab.	Arabic	E. Wlm	East Tawllemmet	Gog.	Gogot
Aram.	Aramaic	Ebl.	Ebla	Gt.	Gyeto
Berb.	Berber	Egyp.	Egyptian	Gur.	Gurage
Bibl.	Biblical Aramaic	End.	Endegen	Gz.	Ge'ez
Ch.	Chaha	Enn.	Ennemor	Har.	Harari
Chad.	Chadic	ESA	Epigraphic South Arabian	Hbr.	Hebrew

Hbt	Hobyot	NE	New Kingdom	Sab.	Sabaic
HEC	Highland East Cushitic	NS	Nilo-Saharan	Sam.	Samaritan
Hrs.	Harsusi	OAkk	Old Akkadian	Sel.	Selti
Jib.	Jibbali	OB	Old Babylonian	Sem.	Semitic
Jud.	Judaic Aramaic	Off.	Official Aramaic	SNil	South Nilotic
LEC	Lowland East Cushitic	OK	Old Kingdom	Soq.	Soqotri
Mand.	Mandaic	PAA	Proto-Afrasian	Sum.	Sumerian
MB	Middle Babylonian	PCO	Proto-Cushitic-Omotic	Syr.	Syriac
Mhr.	Mehri	Phoen.	Phoenician	Tgr.	Tigre
Min.	Minaean	PSEBC	Proto-Semitic-Egyptian-	Tna.	Tigrinya (Tigray)
MK	Middle Kingdom		Berber-Chadic	Ugr.	Ugaritic
Ms.	Masqan	Qat.	Qatabanian	Wol.	Wol.
MSA	Modern South Arabian	S.Cush.	Southern Cushitic	YB	Young Babylonian
Muh.	Muher	SA	Saho-Afar
			Terminology
coll.	collective	k.	kind	redupl.	reduplication
dial.	dialect	lw.	loanword	m.	masculine
dissim.	dissimilation	met.	metathesis	sg.	singular
f.	feminine	pers.	personal	sp.	species
gen.	generic (term)	pl.	plural	subst.	substantive
id.	idem	pref.	prefix	suff.	suffix



Other notational symbols

II separates branches within a language family I separates subbranches or groups - denotes morphemic boundaries148

Abbreviations of sources

AADB = Militarev & Stolbova 2020	DRS = Cohen et al. 1970-1993
AHw = von Soden 1965-1981	EDE = Takacs 1999, 2001, 2008
BK = Biberstein-Kazimirski 1860	EDS = Parpola 2015
CAD = Brinkman et al. 1956-2010	HSED = Orel & Stolbova 1995
CED = Stolbova 2016	Mil. 2009 = Militarev 2009
	SED II = Militarev & Kogan 2005



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