Russian Prefixed Verbs of Falling from the Lexical Typology Perspective

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GOVERNMENT OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION

National Research University

Higher School of Economics

Faculty of Humanities

Educational Programme

“Fundamental and Computational Linguistics”

Russian Prefixed Verbs of Falling from the Lexical

Typology Perspective

Thesis of the 4th year student of Bachelor programme group #153

Popkova Tatiana Andreevna

Moscow 2019

Table of contents

prefixe physical frame

• 1. Introduction
• 2. Background of the study
• 3. Research question
• 4. Methods
• 5. Prefixes in correlation to the physical frames
• 5.1 Prefixes in correlation to the `falling from an elevated surface' frame
• 5.1.1 Correlation between prefixes, Source and Goal
• 5.1.2 Different types of resultative falling of po-
• 5.1.3 Correlation of prefixes and types of Trajector
• 5.2 Prefixes in correlation to the `losing of the vertical orientation' frame
• 5.2.1 Correlation between prefixes, Source and Goal
• 5.2.2 Complete and incomplete falling in correlation to prefixes
• 5.3 Prefixes in correlation to the `detachment' frame
• 5.4 Prefixes in correlation to the `crashing down' frame
• 6. Prefixes in correlation to the metaphorical frames
• 6.1 Prefixes in correlation to the `less is down' frame
• 6.2 Prefixes in correlation to the `loss of functionality in humans' frame
• 6.3 Prefixes in correlation to the `destruction' frame
• 6.4 Prefixes in correlation to the `abruptness' frame
• 6.5 Prefixes in correlation to the `resulting contact with ambience (fall inside)' frame
• 6.6 Prefixes in correlation to the `falling out/being outside' frame
• 6.7 Prefixes in correlation to the `stative' frame
• 6.8 The `failure' frame
• 6.9 The `disappearance' frame
• 6.9.1 Usual disappearance
• 6.9.2 Emphasis on Source
• 6.9.3 Preventive disappearance
• Conclusion
• Appendix
• References


1. Introduction

Linguistic typology has proven to be an efficient and broad field of linguistics dealing with typological universals and linguistic phenomena distributed across the world. Specifically, lexical typology clarified the principles of packing semantics into words (Lehrer, 1992), explained the typological relevance of grammar in terms of the lexicon (Lehmann, 1990) and proposed typological dimension in lexicology (Koptjevskaja-Tamm, Vanhove, & Koch, 2007). Numerous studies in lexical typology are devoted to a small number of fields including colour terms (Berlin & Kay, 1991), body-part terms (Andersen, 1978; Enfield & Wierzbicka, 2002; Heine, 2014; Koch, 2001), temperature (Koptjevskaja-Tamm & Rakhilina, 2006; Plank, 2003; Sutrop, 1998), senses (Majid & Levinson, 2011) etc. Another very interesting and promising field of research is the typology of motion which has been studied thoroughly and described in terms of spatial orientation (Plungyan, 2002; Fillmore, 1982; Talmy, 1975, among others). The verbs of motion imply typologically universal phenomena such as Source, Goal, Path and Trajector. That means that the choice of a verb of motion and its satellites is mostly prescribed by the type of motion itself and by the particularities of a situation such as Source, Goal, Path and Trajector.

However, there is one specific field of verbs of motion - the verbs of falling - a project of the Moscow Lexical Typology Group (MLexT), which is currently subject to thorough examination and description in order to understand the typology of these verbs and the possible cross-linguistic universals (Kuz'menko & Mustakimova, 2015; Ryzhova and Kyuseva, 2016; Reznikova & Vyrenkova, 2015). Previous research in this field made more emphasis on semantics of the roots and spatial orientation of these verbs including Goal, Source and Trajector to understand their typological frame and to generalise the types of falling. Prefixed verbs are usually not studied systematically in terms of the frame approach in lexical typology due to their large number. Previous research showed that either only unprefixed verbs were taken into account or only the semantics of a root is studied (and all the derivatives are considered to be variations of one lexeme). Also, there are studies when only few prefixed verbs are observed and considered to be independent lexemes, and the connection with their cognates is ignored. In this paper only three roots (-val-/ -rukh-/ -past-) belonging to the semantic field of falling in Russian are taken into account and all their prefixed derivatives are studied on the basis of a previously developed list of frames. This study can be considered as one of the first attempts to systematically analyse prefixed derivatives from the typological point of view.

Morphology may indicate a type of motion in terms of spatial orientation and help analyse the interaction between the meanings of the affixes and verbal roots in typological perspective. Russian verbs of falling possess a very diverse set of verbal prefixes which can act like satellites and therefore prescribe the usage type of these verbs. The prefixed verbs of falling with the roots -val-/ -rukh-/ -past- are examined in this paper to understand the correlation between prefixes and the typology of motion of the verbs of falling.

This study is conducted using the analysis of corpora and dictionary definitions, as well as the subsequent typological data analysis. First of all, all the verbs of the sample (including physical and metaphorical meanings) were matched with their definitions. Since definitions given in the dictionaries are usually too general and do not cover more detailed meanings, there is a need of thorough corpora analysis. To make the definitions more precise and full RNC (Russian National Corpora) was used. As a result of previous research on lexical typology of falling the set of frames was developed including four types of physical falling and seven types of metaphorical falling (Rakhilina, Reznikova & Ryzhova, 2019a, 2019b in preparation). The verbs of falling from the sample were distributed among these previously developed frames. While distributing these verbs to the physical and metaphorical frames new more subtle semantic distinctions/oppositions were suggested. To understand the correlation between the semantics of prefixes and the typology of motion represented by the verbs the main semantic meanings of a prefix were studied. Also, it was important to understand which prefixes are the most frequent in which frame and how their semantic meaning correlates with a physical or metaphorical frame.

Studying prefixed verbs of falling in Russian may not only describe the correlation between verbal prefixes and typologically relevant lexical oppositions in Russian, but it can also help understand whether morphology can design the typology of motion itself on a larger scale. Moreover, this study can be the base for the future study of prefixed verbs of falling in other languages, primarily in Slavic ones.

2. Background of the study

In recent years, lexical typology of motion has been one of the most topical and promising fields of studies in cognitive semantics. The main work in the typology of motion is Talmy (1975) where he introduces such semantic parameters of a motion event as Figure, Ground, Path and Manner. The study shows that Path and Manner can be expressed either within a motion verb or within its modifier or so-called “satellite”. This idea resulted in the influential two-way typology of S(atellite)- and V(erb)-framed encoding of motion events. Hence, Talmy created the whole typological classification of complex event constructions.

Path as a parameter of motion is fully described as a semantic argument by Apresjan (1974) and Miller and Johnson-Laird ?(1976)?, as it corresponds to the developed argument structure of a standard motion verb. Thus, Path profiles a starting point-Source and a finishing point-Goal. The semantic argument system of Russian language described by Apresjan (1974) is an incredibly helpful tool to analyse the typological data consisting of Russian prefixed verbs of falling.

The study of Charles Fillmore (1982; 2000)? and his successors ?(Kopecka, 2009; Slobin, 2006) had a big effect on path-typology. In it he observed the typological difference between `come' and `go' concepts of motion. Following the principles of frame semantics Fillmore and his successors conducted a large-scale cross-linguistic research including contextual analysis which allowed us to understand the Source-Goal system for path typology. It was mostly connected to deixis, so not only starting and finishing points are taken into account but also connection with person and place deixis.

Another approach to describe the semantics of motion has been proposed by Plungyan ?(2002) where the categories of verbal orientation have been observed such as: the semantic role of spatial argument (Source vs. Goal etc.), its localisation (its position in respect to Landmark) and the type of Landmark (liquid, hollow, dense, vertical object etc.). This work is an example of grammatical typology where different affixes prescribe the typology of motion.

Such a parameter as Manner was developed by Fillmore and Atkins ?(2000)? in which they observed the motion verbs, particularly the English verb to crawl. The dictionary and corpora analysis used in this work showed that the verb to crawl is a polysemous and can convey different types of crawling. The authors presumed that Manner, Trajector and some other functions (speed, functionality) may form different concepts of motion. However, the core meaning of crawling is still “self-movement with the body located close to the surface” (Fillmore & Atkins, 2000). Also, the `network' method was used in this work to illustrate the connections with the core meaning and other categories of crawling that clearly showed the patterns of sense extension.

A particular field of typology of motion verbs is the typology of verbs of falling. The description of the domain of the verbs of falling was performed in the works by Reznikova & Vyrenkova (2015) and Kuz'menko & Mustakimova (2015). Falling itself is described as downward motion which has two distinctive features: the motion should be uncontrollable and Trajector should have no contact with the surface in the course of motion. Another important observation is possible types of Trajector. The following features of Trajector can prescribe the choice of a verb of motion: animacy/inanimacy, multiplicity and fluidity. In Russian a dominant verb of falling domain is padat' - the verb which “covers the largest share of all relevant frames” (Reznikova & Vyrenkova, 2015, p. 7). Speaking of Source of falling motion, these types of sources are most common: containers, elevated surfaces and high peaks. Prefixed verbs are said to express the meaning of falling out of a container: for example Slovenian izpasti and Russian vypast' (Reznikova & Vyrenkova, 2015). In addition, there is another particularly marked situation when Trajector “initially attached to another object, loses its point of fixation or bearing point” (Reznikova & Vyrenkova, 2015, p. 9). This is performed in the verb soskochit'. However, these are the only few correlations being noticed so far between prefixes and their role in typology of falling.

Different morphological patterns of marking spatial orientation between Trajector and Landmark, and the interaction between markers and the lexical meaning of the verbs of falling in Kuban Kabardian were observed by Ryzhova & Kyuseva ?(2016)?. In this work falling was distinguished to three different types: switching Trajector's position from vertical to horizontal, moving from up to down and reflexive falling. Also, taking into account four semantic arguments of falling (Trajector, Source, Goal and Path), the authors suggest some restrictions to the verbs of falling: as Trajector has no contact with the surface, Path (air) is incorporated in the semantics of a verb by definition. Also, there are some restrictions on the qualities of Trajector, on Source and Goal, on type of motion and its additional characteristics (speed, sound etc.). A certain type of Trajector also matters while assigning typology of motion to a verb: for example in Kuban Kabardian a verb of falling depends on a type of Trajector (precipitations, bulk materials or liquids) (Ryzhova & Kyuseva, 2016). The main significance of that work for this paper is that the role of verbal prefixes was described. It is observed that in Kuban Kabardian a verb can be used either with starting or with finishing point. In this case the combination of a root and a prefix usually prescribes which spatial argument to use.

The basic study for this paper is being currently conducted by the Moscow Lexical Typology group, in particular in works for the physical (Rakhilina, Reznikova & Ryzhova, 2019a in preparation) and metaphorical meanings (Rakhilina, Reznikova & Ryzhova, 2019b in preparation) of the verbs of falling. According to the preliminary results of the work where physical meanings of falling are being studied there are four main domains of falling: i. falling from an elevated surface (a cup from a table); ii. losing of the vertical orientation (falling of a tree); iii. detachment (a wheel falls off a car); iv. crashing down (a roof collapses). The domains were formed using a wide language sample (37 languages from 13 language families). Russian has a dominant strategy for the first three frames, as one verb of falling can mostly cover domains of `falling from an elevated surface', `losing of the vertical orientation' and `detachment', when the `crashing down' domain is usually expressed by another verb not covering other three domains (Rakhilina, Reznikova & Ryzhova, 2019a in preparation).

As for the work where metaphorical meanings of the verbs of falling are being studied the novelty is that metaphorical meanings are distinguished from physical ones (unlike in the work of Franзois (2008) and many others). Also, it is supposed that these metaphorical meanings are evolved from the previously studied frames/group of frames. This study covered 14 languages where the metaphorical meanings were found. Hence, seven target domains have been found: i. less is down (price); ii. loss of functionality in humans (disease); iii. destruction (a state collapsed); iv. abruptness (people, chance, happiness); v. resulting contact with ambience (fall inside) (love, memory); vi. falling out/being outside (group, list); vii. stative (people, objects) (Rakhilina, Reznikova & Ryzhova, 2019b in preparation).

In this paper the prefixed verbs of falling with the roots -val-/ -rukh-/ -past- are taken into account as prefixes can prescribe a semantic property in terms of typology of verbs of falling. Therefore, it is necessary to take into account current studies regarding semantic descriptions of verbal prefixes ( Vinogradov, 1960; Krongauz, 1994; Shvedova, 1980; Braginsky, 2008; Dickey, 2006; Flier, 1975; Janda, 1986; Janda & Lyashevskaya, 2013; Janda & Nesset, 2010; LeBlanc, 2010; Nesset, Endresen, & Janda, 2011; Romanova, 2005). All current studies of prefixes mostly put an emphasis on their semantics and different combinations with roots, their resultativeness or their morphosyntactic features. Very few research papers on prefixes are based on lexical typology and its terms (so far only Janda (1986) has performed systematic semantic analysis of some prefixes describing Trajector and Landmark involved in motion). Since verbal roots and their semantics have been mostly studied in lexical typology and the correlation between a verbal prefix and a typological frame of a verb of falling has not been studied profoundly, it is important to study it in more details.

3. Research question

The research question is as follows: is there any correlation between typology of motion of the Russian verbs of falling with the roots -val-/ -rukh-/ -past- and their prefixes? As each of these verbs has a productive derivational system (around 20-40 derivatives), it might give some idea about the correlation between a prefix and a typology of motion. Moreover, every derivative is polysemous, including both physical and metaphorical meanings which gives the reason to look deeper into the semantics of the verbs and their typology and therefore to contribute to the typology of metaphors. Also, the verbs of falling should be analysed in terms of the lexical typology of motion according to Trajector, Source, Goal, spatial orientation and potential satellites. Semantics of prefixes might clarify the typology of the verbs of falling. Therefore, having classified and having analysed these verbs of falling and having assigned them to an appropriate frame it was necessary to understand the potential satellites, Goal, Source and a type of Trajector of the verbs of falling in Russian language and the interconnection of the verbal prefixes with the typology of motion both for physical and metaphorical meanings. Hypothetically, prefixed derivatives should divide direct meanings into subtle lexical distinctions within the domain of physical meaning. That can give some ideas about semantic origins for typologically relevant metaphorical meanings as working with derivatives makes it easier to trace every semantic shift.

4. Methods

In order to understand the interconnection of the verbs of falling being observed with the satellites and the potential semantic role of the prefixes assigning this typology of motion, corpus analysis, analysis of dictionary definitions, and analysis of previously collected data have been undertaken.

First of all, the list of all the relatively frequent derivatives of the roots -val-/ -rukh-/ -past- should have been taken into account (a verb should be given at least in one of the dictionaries mentioned below and have results in RNC). Thus, 21 prefixed verbs of falling with the root -val-, 7 prefixed verbs of falling with the root -rukh-, and 26 prefixed verbs of falling with the root -past- have been taken into account. The full table of meanings of every verb is represented in the Appendix section. Reflexive verbs were counted separately from non-reflexive verbs. Perfective verbs were distinguished from imperfective verbs in case there was difference in meanings.

Before proceeding to the corpus analysis it was necessary to identify the criteria of data collection. As these verbs are very polysemous, it was decided to distinguish physical and metaphorical meanings in order to assign them either to the physical or the metaphorical frame system (Rakhilina, Reznikova & Ryzhova, 2019a, 2019b in preparation).

The second step of data collection was to collect all the definitions of the verbs of falling which have been provided by the following dictionaries: The Big Explanatory Dictionary of the Russian Language (Kuznetsov et al., 1998) for the most frequent meanings, Dahl's Explanatory Dictionary (Dal', 2005) and The Dictionary of the Russian Language (Ozhegov & Shvedova, 1999) for the obsolete meanings.

To cover all the possible meanings, which have not been included in any dictionary, an analysis of the Russian National Corpus (RNC) has been performed. Every verb from the list was examined in the RNC to identify all the possible physical and metaphorical meanings. To understand the potential collocation structure, the application of the semantic filters was required. For example, there was a need to find a particular example with the verb obrushit`sya (to collapse) which can potentially fit the `crashing down' frame. In this situation such semantic filter for concrete objects as `buildings and constructions' helped to find a proper example suiting the mentioned frame. Around first 100 tokens of the corpora search result were checked. For example, 21 prefixed verbs of falling with the root -val- have been taken into account, and 83 meanings including both physical and metaphorical usages have been found in total.

The third stage of the research project was devoted to assigning the prefixed verbs to the semantic frames for physical and metaphorical meanings of verbs of falling developed by Rakhilina, Reznikova & Ryzhova (2019a, 2019b in preparation). The important part of this process is to pay close attention to the peculiarities of these verbs: their Goal, Source, Trajector and other distinctive features emerging through the analysis.

After the observation of these typological criteria, the verbs of falling were grouped into clusters according to their lexical frames: physical and metaphorical meanings were distributed within their frame sets correspondingly. There the analysis of the verbal prefixes showed the correlation between the semantic meaning of a prefix studied before and a typological frame. As for the physical meanings of the verbs of falling being studied it was important to describe their peculiarities as completeness/incompleteness, resultativeness, stativeness, their Source, Goal and Trajector. While observing metaphorical meanings it was necessary to look deeper into their origins and try to identify the physical frame a metaphorical meaning derived from. Also, some of the metaphorical meanings did not suit the previously proposed frames so new frames needed to be defined and described.

5. Prefixes in correlation to the physical frames

16 prefixes were used to derive the verbs of falling with the roots -val-/ -rukh-/ -past- which had physical meanings. The frame distribution is shown in the Table 1.

Table 1. Frame distribution for the physical meanings

As one can see there is no prefix which would cover all four frames of falling. Moreover, some patterns of frame distribution could be seen: 8 prefixes out of 16 cover `falling from an elevated surface' and `losing of a vertical orientation' frames. Also, there are no scenarios when a prefix covers `detachment' and `crashing down' or `loss of a vertical orientation' together. And only one case when prefix s- covers both `falling from an elevated surface' and `detachment'. In other cases it is possible to say that prefixes covering the `detachment' can not typologically cover other frames. Looking at the verbs with no prefixes one can point out that `falling from an elevated surface', `loss of a vertical orientation' and `crashing down' are mostly covered by the verbs with the roots being observed but not the `detachment' frame. This slightly questions the assumption that the dominant strategy in Russian is `falling from the elevated surface'-`loosing of a vertical orientation'-`detachment' because the verb padat` is a dominant verb of falling in Russian (Reznikova & Vyrenkova, 2015), and valit`sya, ruxnut` can be supposed to be the core verbs of falling. However, as it can be seen, none of them covers the `detachment' frame.

This distribution of the verbs among physical frames can be explained due to the semantic map developed by Rakhilina, Reznikova & Ryzhova (2019a in preparation; 2019b in preparation) where it is said that both `falling from an elevated surface'-`losing of the vertical orientation' and `losing of the vertical orientation'-`crashing down' have the strongest semantic connection. Also, according to the map the connection between `falling from the elevated surface' and `crashing down' is weaker. What is more important is that there is no direct semantic derivation between `detachment' and `crashing down' or `loss of a vertical orientation'. Thus, the frame distribution of the prefixed verbs with the roots -val-/ -rukh-/ -past- does not contradict nor the semantic map neither the fact that `falling from the elevated surface' is the core meaning of the domain. Moreover, the way the verbs are distributed within the frames does not depend on their prefixes. However, there are explanations why a prefix covers a meaning of a frame. To track the correlation between prefixes and the frames it is important not only to identify particular semantic features of one prefix suiting a frame, but also to understand universal features of all prefixes used within a frame.

Another interesting observations were made regarding the distribution of the roots -val-/ -rukh-/ -past- within the frames. 16 out of 30 meanings in the`falling from an elevated surface' frame and 3 out of 4 meanings in the `detachment' frame were covered by the root -past-, 12 out of 21 meanings in `losing if the vertical orientation' were covered by the root -val-, and 7 out of 12 meanings in the `crushing down' frame were covered by the root -rukh-. From the first sight the semantics of the roots may seem quite similar and not having any differences. However, as the data shows, -past- is responsible for the most primitive type of falling from an elevated surface, -val- mostly describes losing of the vertical orientation and -rukh- mostly performs collapsing falling. Due to the small sample it is difficult to say if -past- is the main root in the `detachment' frame. Thus, analysis of all the derivatives of the verbs with the roots -val-/ -rukh-/ -past- gave a clear understanding of their semantics as their distribution among the frames can be clearly seen.

5.1 Prefixes in correlation to the `falling from an elevated surface' frame

5.1.1 Correlation between prefixes, Source and Goal

The verbs from the `falling from an elevated surface' frame mostly require Goal as a semantic argument. Verbs with prefixes po-, o-/ob-, pro-, za-, v- require Goal as a semantic argument in this frame, while verbs with prefixes s- and vy- can use both Source or Goal as semantic arguments depending on the sub-meaning within a frame (Examples 1-4).

(1) Я чуть не свалился со скамейки [Source], на которой мы с ним сидели. [Вера Белоусова. Второй выстрел (2000)]

I almost fell from the bench [Source] we were sitting on.

(2) Высокий Андрей толкнул меня, и я свалился в большую лужу [Goal]. [Андрей Геласимов. Нежный возраст (2001)]

Tall Andrey pushed me, and I fell into a big puddle [Goal].

(3) Направляясь к входной двери, Скворцов с удивлением увидел, как из окна [Source] вывалился стул, ударился о землю, перевернулся и рассыпался. [И. Грекова. На испытаниях (1967)]

Going towards the entrance door Skvortsov saw with surprise how a chair fell out of the window [Source], hit the ground, flipped over and fell apart.

(4) И тут тоже главная прелесть в том, что можно всей компанией вывалиться в сугроб [Goal]. [Тамара Креветко. До чего же славной бывает масленница! // «Трамвай», 1990 ]

Also, the biggest joy here is that you can fall onto a pile of snow [Goal] with each other.

This universal feature of the mentioned prefixed verbs of falling can be proven by the meanings of their prefixes studied by different linguists. The meanings of the prefixes po-, ob-, pro-, v- either directly point out the necessity of Goal semantic argument or emphasise the resultative or perfectivizing meaning which presumes Goal-oriented meaning (Dickey, 2006).

According to LeBlanc (2010) prefix po- has a meaning of “Directed, goal-oriented motion; specific to verbs denoting some sort of movement.” (LeBlanc, 2010, p. 14) From the resultative point of view the Goal-oriented meaning is proven by Dickey (2006) where it is said that “The function of po- delimitatives to profile temporal (and causal) links with tangential consequences may in fact be considered another effect of the pervasive goal orientation of cognition.” (Dickey, 2006, p. 33)

There are some remarks concerning prefixes o-/ob- and their Goal-oriented meanings and resultativeness in The Grammar of the Russian Language (Vinogradov, 1960) and in The Grammar of the Modern Russian Literary Language (Dmitrenko & Shvedova, 2009).

In the work by Markovskaya (2007) prefix v- was described as a Goal prefix while prefix vy- is described as a Source prefix.

Prefix pro- has a resultative meaning according to Flier (1975) and according to Krongauz (1994) and Janda & Lyashevskaya (2013) has “movement through/penetration” meaning. While the former meaning proves that prefix pro- is a Goal-oriented prefix, the latter meaning gives more understanding of the type of this Goal. Prefix pro- as `movement through' describes the movement through an object destroying its internal connections, and as a result creating a hole in this object (Krongauz, 1994). This can doubt the fact that the destroyed objects where Trajectors fall are actual Goals but not Landmarks/Trajectories as Trajector does not ultimately rest there in the object but falls through. However, it makes sense to count these objects as Goal because they are exactly the finishing points of the motion (Example 5). It can be seen in comparison to Landmarks with prefix za- as it was described by Janda (1997), where Trajector falls along Landmark but finishes its movement at the `external' domain, outside of Landmark (Example 6). However, according to the interpretation structure for the spatial cluster meaning of za- developed by Braginsky (2008) spatial meaning of prefix za- with intransitive verbs is `A person or object X moves in a manner V into the goal area Z, so that X ends up within the boundaries of the goal area Z at the culmination point of a given event of motion'. Thus, what Janda calls `external' domain is the goal area Z for Braginsky which makes prefix za- also a Goal-oriented prefix.

(5) Самый отважный из команды красноармеец Семёнов, обвязавшись верёвкой, полез со звонницы на крышу и там провалился в проржавевшую дыру [Goal], ранил ногу. [Василь Быков. Болото (2001)]

The bravest Red Army soldier Semyonov, having tied himself up with a rope, crawled from a belfry to a roof and fell in a rusty hole [Goal] there, wounded his leg.

(6) Не волнуйся же, а пойди в спальню к комоду и выдвини верхний ящик. Квитанция завалилась за заднюю стенку ящика [Landmark]. [Татьяна Толстая. Эмануил // «Русская жизнь», 2012]

Do not worry, but rather go to the closet in the bedroom and open the first drawer. The receipt has fallen behind the drawer [Landmark].

Janda & Lyashevskaya (2013) described the semantic profile of prefix s- as `moving down' which can automatically presume its Source (up) and Goal (down). Moreover, according to Dickey & Janda (2009) prefix s- adds semelfactive meaning to a verb which is “motivated by the actional flexibility of the spatial meanings and their resultative extensions”. Therefore, it is possible to say that resultativeness is also present in the meaning.

Prefix vy- also has a meaning of falling out of a container (Nesset et al., 2011) which means that Source (a container) and Goal (the end point of falling) are already incorporated into semantics of the prefix. This phenomenon was also observed in Reznikova & Vyrenkova (2015), however, there is no differentiation between frames taken into account.

5.1.2 Different types of resultative falling of po-

There are six meanings of prefix po- according to Dickey (2007) and LeBlanc (2010) which can be described in terms of Trajector and Landmark. Po- in the typology of `falling from an elevated surface' represents three of them: resultative popast` (get into), ingressive porushit`sya (fall) and distributive popadat` (fall one after the other). However, it was observed that resultative po- can be separated into two types of falling due to the primary importance either of Trajector or Goal. In Example 7 one can see that the meaning of popast` (get into) is about getting to Goal, while in Example 8 the emphasis is put on the presence of Trajector in Goal substance/object.

(7) Пуля попала в плечо. [Большой толковый словарь]

A bullet went into the shoulder.

(8) Мыло попало в глаза. [Большой толковый словарь]

Soap got in the eyes.

Therefore, while the resultative motion from Example 7 is represented as in Picture 1, Picture 2 represents the resultative motion for the meaning in Example 8 Both resultative meanings (Examples 7-8) have lost their `downwards movement' idea due to the shifts in the meanings. It may seem that the meanings have been metaphorised, however they still represent physical motion. Thus, it is still relevant to have a look at the behaviour of po- prefix because it still meets all the requirements of `falling from an elevated surface' frame.. In this case it is important to depict Landmark and the distribution of Trajector on this Landmark surface. Hence, the resultative meaning is still present as the arrows from Trajector indicate the beginning and the end of the motion but the emphasis is put on the presence of Trajector equally distributed onto Landmark surface. According to this observation Trajector should be a material which can be dissolved or broken down into very small pieces (molecules, drops): chemicals, substances, and liquids.

Picture 1. Resultative meaning of po-: getting to Goal

Picture 2. Resultative meaning of po-: dissolving in Landmark

5.1.3 Correlation of prefixes and types of Trajector

Different prefixes are used with different types of Trajector. It was noticed that prefix o-/ob- is mostly used with multiple objects (leaves, apples, stones) as in opast` (fall), obvalit`sya (fall off), obrushit`sya (fall down). This can be explained by the semantic meanings of this prefix. There is one definition supporting this peculiarity in The Grammar of the Russian Language (Vinogradov, 1960): “The action is spread on the whole object or multiple objects” and one in The Grammar of the Modern Russian Literary Language (Dmitrenko & Shvedova, 2009): “To spread the action among many objects or among many sides of one object”. In this case one can say that it perfectly suits definitions for multiple objects.

5.2 Prefixes in correlation to the `losing of the vertical orientation' frame

5.2.1 Correlation between prefixes, Source and Goal

Source is not relevant for the `losing of the vertical orientation' frame as it is represented by the canonical, initial position of Trajector. In contrast, Goal takes a very significant place in this frame as 10 meanings out of 21 have Goal as semantic argument. The following prefixes were used with these meanings: pri-, pod-, pere-, na-, po-. It was discussed in previous section which Goal-oriented meanings prefix po- has.

Spencer & Zaretskaya (1998) identified four meanings of prefix pri-, and one of them is `Attach, add'. According to this meaning it is important that the final point such as wall, support or surface are expressed as Goal semantic argument (Example 9).

(9) Анна Фёдоровна привалилась к подлокотнику [Goal], Катя, поджав под себя тонкие ноги, забилась матери под руку, как цыплёнок под крыло рыхлой курицы. [Людмила Улицкая. Конец сюжетов: Зеленый шатер. Первые и последние. Сквозная линия (сборник) (2018)]

Anna Fedorovna leaned against the armpad [Goal], Katya, having pulled up her thin legs hid under her mother's arm like chicken under the wing of an old hen.

Prefix pod- was studied by Romanova (2005), where among eight different meanings one is `under', which suits `losing of the vertical orientation' frame (Example 10).

(10) Вор подпал под лавку [Goal]. Подпади ты под право крылышко [Goal], приютись, скройся. [Толковый словарь Даля]

A thief fell under a bench [Goal]. Come under the right wing [Goal], nestle, hide yourself.

Looking at this definition we see the importance of Landmark argument because it points out the direction of Trajector. Even though Goal is not expressed, it can be understood in relation to Landmark (under Landmark) (Picture 3).

Picture 3. Configuration of prefix pod-

Semantic analysis of prefix pere- made by Janda (1986) showed that among nine possible configuration of the prefix there is one for `losing of the vertical orientation' frame. This is `turn over' meaning, which, for instance, the verb perevalit`sya (fall over) has (Picture 4).

Picture 4. The configuration of prefix pere-

According to Janda (1986) this configuration requires Trajector (intransitive subject) which can be bodies and objects and Landmark which is established order. Here we can say that every single turn is finished at Goal point. In Example 11 one can say that there are both Landmark and Goal present. Thus, the configuration of prefix pere- mentioned above implies having Goal or repetitive set of Goals.

(11) Ї кинулась к открытому окну и перевалилась через подоконник [Landmark] на крышу хозяйственного пристроя [Goal] [Валентин Распутин. Дочь Ивана, мать Ивана (2003) // «Наш современник», 2003.11.15]

She rushed towards the open window and fell over the window sill [Landmark] onto the roof of an outbuilding [Goal].

Na- is described by Janda & Lyashevskaya (2013) where the main meaning of the prefix is `accumulation' and in such a word as navalit`sya (lean against) it means “the physical accumulation of substance on a surface”. The same surface-oriented meaning was expressed by Shvedova (1980). Thus, it is possible to describe this surface as Goal, however, Goal with prefix na- can be of different types. In Example 12 Goal is expressed as surface, in Example 13 as a movable object and in Example 14 as a stative support.

(12) Попытался перевернуть матрас, вдруг сделавшийся тяжёлым, неподъёмным, навалившийся на него [Goal], давя на лицо, лишая воздуха, Ї и проснулся, задыхаясь от отчаяния, лежа ничком на провонявшей куревом простыне. [Евгений Чижов. Перевод с подстрочника (2012)]

He tried to flip over the mattress, which was way too heavy, leaning against him [Goal] pushing his face, restricting the airflow, Ї and woke up, being choked because of despair, lying prone on the bed sheet smelling smoke.

(13) Раздалось дребезжание, но дверь не открывалась. Он навалился на неё [дверь] [Goal] Ї она подалась. [Анатолий Азольский. Лопушок // «Новый Мир», 1998 ]

Rattling was heard but the door would not open. He leaned against it [the door] [Goal] Ї it opened.

(14) Он стоял, отвернувшись к окну, как и в камерах, забранному двойной решёткой, тяжело, всем своим весом навалясь на подоконник [Goal]. [Евгений Чижов. Перевод с подстрочника (2012)]

He was standing with his face towards the window, barred as in prison cells, heavily leaning against the window sill [Goal] with all his weight.

5.2.2 Complete and incomplete falling in correlation to prefixes

It was observed that the verbs of falling belonging to `losing of the vertical orientation frame' can represent complete and incomplete falling. For example verbs pripast` (press oneself to), privalit`sya (lean against), zavalit`sya (fall over), uvalit`sya (incline) imply incomplete falling which means they do not reach surface/Goal but just become declined in relation to their main axis. This complete/incomplete falling correlates with prefixes pri-, za- and u-.

In the work of Spencer & Zaretskaya (1998) prefix pri- has seven meanings and one of them is not semantical but the attenuative `Aksionsart': “Here the prefix conveys the meaning of doing something a little, slightly, not completely” (Spencer & Zaretskaya, 1998, p. 115). Therefore, it describes incomplete falling in the `losing of the vertical orientation' frame.

Zaliznjak (1994) described spatial meanings of prefix za-. Among them there is one describing the meaning of zavalit`sya (fall over): DEVIATE, IN. However, additional meaning IN is not applied here as there is no certain Goal point. Janda (1986) proposes Deflection configuration as one of the meanings of za- where “the Trajector begins in the domain and then transgresses a boundary of the landmark, passing into extradomain” (Janda, 1986a, p. 81). With the verb zavalit`sya (fall over) the initial domain is the vertical axis, and the `extradomain' is the state deviated from this vertical axis. One can notice a difference between this deviation and deviation explained in the previous section (Example 6). In former case, the motion is Goal-oriented, as prescribed by the `falling from an elevated surface' frame, while in latter case it is about deflection or non-complete action.

The meanings of prefix u- are studied in the work by LeBlanc (2010) where 10 categories of meanings were developed. Among them MOVE DOWNWARDS, which is the meaning of u- in uvalit`sya (incline). MOVE DOWNWARDS also describes u- in upast` (fall) from the `falling from an elevated surface' frame. The distinction between these two descriptions of motion is possible by the frame system. In case with upast` (fall) the motion is more Goal-oriented (Example 15), while in case with uvalit`sya (deviate) it expresses incomplete motion (Example 16).

(15) «Десятитонная бетонная плита упала в полуметре от седого мальчика [Goal]». [коллективный. Форум: Блэйд (трилогия) Blade (2008-2010)]

A ten kilogramme concrete block fell within half a meter from a grey-haired boy [Goal].

(16) Когда судно увалится, галс все равно останется левый… [Владислав Крапивин. Трое с площади Карронад (1979)]

When the ship deviates, it still will be on the port tack.

5.3 Prefixes in correlation to the `detachment' frame

Two prefixes ot- and s- are the prototypical prefixes for the `detachment' frame. As the semantic meaning is precise and clear in its performance, this frame has the most clear correlation to the prefixes being used with the verbs of falling. For example Janda (1986) mentions the second (out of two) configuration of prefix ot- which is `the Trajector is a part of the Landmark and Trajector is destroyed'. However, in case with `detachment' frame Trajector can be either destroyed during the motion (Example 17) or not (because in this case Landmark and Trajector are easily detachable objects) (Example 18).

(17) Отвалилась плитка на кухне [Trajector = Landmark], сиротливо висит полотенце на старом гвозде и даже лампа в прихожей тихо скончалась. [Непростое искусство любви: быть счастливыми вдвоем... // «Даша», 2004]

The tile of the kitchen wall [Trajector = Landmark] fell off, the towel is hanging lonely on an old nail and even the lamp in the hall died.

(18) Вытянув билет и заняв сладкое местечко в верхних рядах, первым делом проверяю подол юбки [Landmark], к которому накануне пришила шпаргалки (вверх ногами: отгибаешь и смотришь, и не надо ничего доставать из кармана или рукава); но увы -- бумажки [Trajector] намокли и отвалились, а формулы, выведенные на коленках шариковой ручкой, расплылись напрочь (ливень!). [Екатерина Завершнева. Высотка (2012)]

Having picked a paper with an exam question and having taken a vacant seat in the back row, first of all, I check the hem of my skirt [Landmark], on which I had sewed the cheat sheets before (upside down: you bend it and look, no need to take something out of a pocket or a sleeve); Unfortunately, the sheets [Trajector] got wet and fell out, and formulas written on my knees with a ballpoint pen absolutely disappeared (there was a storm!).

LeBlanc (2010) also described the categories of meanings of ot-. One meaning describing `detachment' frame is REMOVE: bouncing off the fixed position, where “the Trajector is a part of the Landmark”. This definition suits both Examples 17-18 more, than the definition of Janda.

Source plays a crucial role in this frame as Trajector not only starts its movement here, but is a part of it. Prefix s- incorporating `down' motion and Source in a meaning can be considered a typological tendency (Bagirokova & Ry`zhova, 2019 in preparation; Nasledskova & Netkachev, 2019 in preparation). S- in `detachment' frame works as a prefix incorporating Source point into a sentence (Example 19).

(19) Сапоги его гремели, спадая с ног [Goal], и можно было опасаться, что он как-нибудь выскользнет из них и сапоги пойдут отдельно от человека. [Скиталец (С. Г. Петров). Огарки (1906)]

His high boots were making noise falling off his feet [Goal], and you could see it coming as he would slip out of them and the boots would continue without a person.

The difference between prefix s- in `falling from an elevated surface' and in `detachment' frame lies exactly in no Source point in the former (Example 20) and presence of Source point in the latter (Example 19).

(20) И нехорошо было, что одна коричневая прядь имела обыкновение отклеиваться и спадать ему на висок, до самой брови. [В. В. Набоков. Король, дама, валет (1927-1928)]

And unfortunately one strand used to come unstuck and fall down to his temple up to the eyebrow.

5.4 Prefixes in correlation to the `crashing down' frame

Three prefixes are observed in `crashing down' frame: raz-/ras-, o-/ob- and pro-. As with the semantics of the verbs from `detachment' frame, the semantics of `crashing down' frame is clear and easy to visualise. Thus, not a big inventory of prefixes with an appropriate semantics is used.

Janda & Nesset (2010) described the meaning of raz- suiting the `crushing down' frame: `crush', when “the internal structure of an object is destroyed and in the process the edges of the object may move apart”.

Prefixes o-/ob- match the type of falling in `crashing down' frame due to their semantic peculiarities. First of all, `crashing down' includes reflexive falling which presumes multiple objects falling down (one by one). As it was already said before, prefixes o-/ob- indicate the action spread all over the surface/sides of an object or the action affecting a number of objects (Vinogradov, 1960; Dmitrenko & Shvedova, 2009). Moreover, as it was described by Baydimirova (2010) among other 15 subcategories of o-/ob-, these prefixes have IMPOSE/ACQUIRE A NEW FEATURE meaning. This subcategory is divided into four subtypes: MAKE X, BECOME X, GIVE X and GET X. The verbs from `crashing down' frame obvalit`sya (collapse), obrushit`sya (collapse) have MAKE X meaning. As both verbs are reflexive, X is an antecedent of the subject of MAKE. In this case the semantics is following:

IMPOSE/ACQUIRE A NEW FEATURE, MAKE X:

> obvalit`(sya) - `make X collapsed'

> obrushit`(sya) - `make X collapsed'

As all prefixed verbs in `crashing down' frame are reflexive, the MAKE X subtype of IMPOSE/ACQUIRE A NEW FEATURE subcategory describes reflexive falling with prefixes o-/ob-.

There is no clear `crushing' semantics in pro- prefix. As it was mentioned before, according to Krongauz (1994) the surface (Landmark) which Trajector goes through is destroyed due to the motion. However, as it is shown in Example 21 Trajector can coincide with Landmark and form a bearing surface. In this case when a bearing surface is collapsed due to its own weight all the pieces of it crush down.