Francophonie

2

Francophonie

(essay)

Introduction

In a small work entitled "Les identités difficiles", Alfred Grosser A. GROSSER, Les identités difficiles, Paris, Presses de Sc. Po, 1996. presents some questions which can be used as a starting point to a commented analysis of the "state of the art" on Francophonie. By Francophonie, we understand the overall knowledge and the rules of action specific to this very singular area. A short overview of the bibliography devoted to Francophonie (francophonie?) shows the persistence of a real concern in the speech. Indeed, the French-speaking authors tirelessly wonder: who we are; how to define us; what do we represent in the eyes of the others and in our own eyes? What do they (the others) say that we are, of which assignment are we the object and on the contrary what do we say that the others are?

I. How to define Francophonie?

The most difficult question to approach, in scientific terms, is undoubtedly this one: how to define the francophonie? Because, as we will have the occasion to realise, the identity of the Francophonie is particularly difficult to build.

We are initially surprised by the definitions presented by the non specialized dictionaries and the encyclopaedias which content themselves with summarised and confused definitions of the Francophonie. At least, they have the merit to bring out the obvious hesitations of which the francophonie is the object. Sometimes, it refers to the French language and/or the French culture, sometimes to the community of French language or to the people belonging to this community. The "Petit Robert" (1992) identifies the Francophonie with the whole of the French-speaking people. The enumeration listed can only leave the reader speechless: France, Switzerland, Belgium, Africa… are indeed put on the same level. Thus, the chosen examples refer indifferently to a unilingual country, to multilingual countries and to an entire continent… The "Micro Robert" is even less loquacious: the French-speaking people are the people usually speaking French while the Francophonie becomes the whole of the French-speaking people. The specialized dictionaries create sometimes some surprises. For example, the dictionary of geopolitics, under the direction of Y. Lacoste, does not give a lot of coverage to the Francophonie as such. It mentions it only in an indirect way, in connection with the Lusofonia. According to this work, the Lusofonia is made up by countries where Portuguese is the official language. It should exceed the French-speaking people in the number of speakers within the billion "Latin" expected for the year 2000. In addition, the Lusofonia and the Francophonie are presented as an innovative phenomenon in the North-South relations. The recent awareness of the linguistic solidarity gives rise to other solidarities and supports the inclusion in the `system-world' by their political organisation at the inter-state level. Maybe, the decolonisation from which this organisation is stemmed, could be compared with a great "Transformation". Then, as B. Anderson B. ANDERSON, L'imaginaire national. Réflexions sur l'origine et l'essor du nationalisme, Paris, La Découverte, 1996. would say, by destroying the old communities, it would unceasingly oblige to imagine and re-imagine ours.

II. What one says that Francophonie is not

1. The Francophonie-Commonwealth: a misleading comparison?

Initially and above all, the concern of authors and high French-speaking political leaders seems to say what will not be or what is not the French-speaking political community, because the project was identified from a misunderstanding based on an expression not really consistent with the idea that it meant to cover, a "Commonwealth à la française". In 1962, L.S. Senghor proposes, indeed, inside the enclosure of the African and Malagasy Union (UAM) in Bangui (Central African Republic), to prolong the bilateral agreements signed between France and the French-speaking African States by multilateral agreements in order to build the "Commonwealth à la française".

The first meeting of the OCAM (Organisation commune africaine et malgache) is held in 1966. It addresses to the French government a project of a "Commonwealth à la française". The expression leads to confusion. But, as D. of Robillard and M. Beniemino pointed out, the formula has the advantage to show the geopolitical aspect of the project of Francophonie. After the decolonisation, the will existed to affirm, out of France, the existence of a community of French-speaking countries comparable to the community constituted by the countries of the old British Empire and gathered in a political association. But does the experience not show that the success of the Commonwealth is due more to economics and politics than cultural cement? Marc Leger shows that bringing together Francophonie and Commonwealth results from a misleading comparison. Great Britain is the initiator of the Commonwealth. London is the heart and its notoriety, on the international level, results from its political activity D. de ROBILLARD et M. BENIEMINO, Le français dans l'espace francophone, Paris, Honoré Champion, éditeur, tome 1, 1993.

2. A machine of war assembled by the French imperialism?

We can notice that the Francophonie is born from the junction of three (centres) or geographical areas each one maintaining a particular bond to the French language. It also results from a special economic situation marked by the era of independences, concerning at the same time the colonies and components (regions) of certain States which perceived themselves, in a situation of asymmetry. Indeed, Quebec comprises a strong majority of French-speaking population whereas in Canada the French-speaking population is a minority. Thus in 1960, the Gathering for national independence (of Quebec) is born. The Quebec Front of liberation, created in 1963, intended to be inspired by the liberation fights of the Third World. In 1968, the Quebec Party adopts a program of which the first article is the sovereignty of Quebec. The goal of L.S. Senghor by proposing an association of the French-speaking countries is, on the one hand, to maintain the African unity and, on the other hand, to preserve privileged bonds with France. The project is supported by H. Bourguiba who, through the Francophonie, wants to provide to the Tunisians the opportunity to come out in the modern world. The project of Francophonie is part of the policy of modernisation that he recommends. Many works relating the Francophonie history (which is recent) remind that the political initiatives came from Africa and not from France.

This Francophonie fragmented on the surface of the globe has however an historical centre: France, starting point of the expansion of the French language, language of the colonial power but which, at the era of independences, will have to adapt itself to the local speeches and thus to pronounce itself against the cultural imperialism. During the Sixties, France remained reserved and discrete, by fear to be accused of neo-colonialism. It will not take any initiative and will not show much enthusiasm towards the proposals for the Francophonie made by presidents H. Bourguiba and L.S. Senghor. In 1966 at the Laval University, Senghor delivers a speech in which he very explicitly rejects the charge of imperialism which France would be responsible of: « Qu'est-ce que la francophonie ? Ce n'est pas, comme d'aucuns le croient, une machine de guerre montée par l'impérialisme français (…). Avant tout pour nous, la francophonie est culture » M. TETU, La Francophonie. Histoire. Problématique. Perspective, Paris, Hachette, 1988, n° 27.. In this same speech, L.S. Senghor precises: « Si nous avons pris l'initiative de la francophonie, ce n'est pas pour des motifs économiques et financiers. Si nous étions à acheter, il y aurait sans doute plus offrant que la France ». Other African countries will reply that « une vision moderne de la culture implique les sciences et la technologie, tout autant que l'économie » M. TETU, op. cit., p. 17.. In fact, as J. M. Leger says M. TETU, op. cit., p. 27. , France supports the organisation of Franco-African Conferences as one of the top priorities for Paris. It has the advantage to work on a bilateral mode whereas the Francophonie would involve France in multilateralism less favourable than the tandems to political control or bonds of dependence.

III. Rise in tension

1. The French-speaking ideal between heritage of the French revolution and cultural interbreeding

- From the heritage of the French revolution…

The question of the identities is, in a general way, a difficult question but in Francophonie it is even more difficult because the “we” are multiple. Indeed, as opposed to what certain people believe or would like to let believe: within this area, the “we” hardly any more refers to a single membership to France - its historical centre - or to the French language, the organiser of his identity, the" binder " but also its less and less common denominator.

The term "francophonie" (which requires the lower case letter) had been inaugurated in the Nineteenth century by a French geographer, Onesine Reclus, in his book "France, Algérie et colonies", to mark out the whole of the populations speaking French. This author was marked by the ideals of freedom and fraternity of the Third French Republic, heir of the French revolution. Before the publication of this work, "linguistiquement la francophonie vivait déjà depuis longtemps » mais « aucun mot n'existait pour la désigner ". See V LEMARCHAND, Francophonie, Paris, Editions Milan, Coll. Essential Milan, 1999, p. 6. This book tries to outline a short portrait of the francophonie and its evolution. See also X. DENIAU, La francophonie, Paris, PUF, Coll. Que sais-je ?, 1992, p. 12. With O. Reclus, the idea of a linguistic and geographical francophonie was born (gathering all the territories where French is spoken). But, as X. Deniau, says, O. Reclus introduced another dimension to the new concept: a political dimension of which it is necessary to underline the nationalist and Messianic contours. O. Reclus was strongly nationalist. He saw in the French Republic the vehicle of the ideals of freedom. France was the standard bearer nation, on which it was incumbent to serve the world by its example. Consequently, the ideals of freedom and fraternity had to be extended to the African territories which had to benefit by the work of "civilisation". Thus, O. Recluse does not escape from the ideological currents of his time. It follows that the French language goes beyond the bounds of the linguistic frameworks to become the mystical leaven of the properly French ideals and in particular freedom (we underline). O. Reclus foresaw the francophonie as a symbol and a summary of human solidarity, the share-out of the culture and the exchange X. Deniau, Francophonie, op cit., pp.12-13. . Some see O. Reclus as the precursor of the modern francophonie entirely geared towards the North-South cooperation.

-… to the cultural interbreeding

The Conferences of Francophonie which take place every two years since 1986 bring together the heads of State and Government sharing the French language. This expression is not innocuoust. It underlines this fact: "L'arbre de la francophonie est d'une espèce bien particulière" V. LEMARCHAND, op cit, p. 3. . Because, as V. Lemarchand says, « Sa vitalité, il la puise dans la richesse de ce métissage culturel et linguistique des francophones » V. LEMARCHAND, op. cit, p. 3.. The Francophonie acquires a new significance at the time of the Conference of Hanoï in 1997. On this occasion, the Francophonie reinforces its politico-institutional dimension (by electing a Secretary-general) and sets itself up in fully-fledged international organisation (Organisation internationale de la Francophone, OIF) "to perpetuate the French-speaking ideal, the one of freedom and humans rights, of justice and solidarity, of democracy and progress". Thus, the reference to what some call "the mystic of the French revolution" is again affirmed.

The intended coherence between all these elements is to be found in the following argumentation: the Francophonie is a system of moral and civilisation values (thus of progress), which derives from the French language of which the qualities transcend the linguistic aspects up to the point to include a certain vision of the world; The Francophonie is also a system of material aid of North towards the South of which the reason is precisely the existence of these common values.

IV. The francophonie as reality

- The will to construct an objective identity

Another heavy tendency found in the bibliography on the francophonie is to display many works being in fact only inventories, repertories. Their purpose is to state the number of French native speakers, to present the various linguistic situations within the French-speaking area, to list of the French-speaking associations or organisations, to present the biography of person-resources and of French-speaking personalities. The “network written (description, inventories) forms” supplement the information. J.-B. Quicheron, interested in the presence of French on the Internet, establishes that French, France and the francophonie are put foreward on Internet thanks to multiple French-speaking, English-speaking and others sites which campaign for the learning of French and for increased contacts with France. After having provided an outline of the Internet contents regarding francophonie (the Institutions of Francophonie on Internet, the French language and Internet, the French terminology on Internet, teaching and professors, the portals of access to French-speaking Internet, Francofolies, medley of sites (business network of the francophonie on Internet, francophile associations, French-speaking translators, interpreters and philologists…)), this author concludes: « Soyons clair, le français n'est pas moribond sur Internet et si les Français ont pris du retard à cause du Minitel, ils sont en train de le rattraper » J.-B. QUICHERON, “Internet et le français”, La Revue générale, 11 novembre 1999, pp. 45-53..

At the same time as it raises the normative questions and dictates what is "desirable" for the Francophonie (institutional and organised), the literature focuses on a "practical " object: how to measure the francophonie, how to make it evolve? What represents the francophonie? What weight does it have? It then intends to put forward the "argument of the number", the argument of the figures, the objective data, and forgets a few moments the problem of the attributes of the French language. But this strategy does not make possible to consider (understand) the francophonie as an organised action of groups in interconnection?

Through this accounting approach, the francophonie appears more like a simple aggregate of disparate data. However this approach is not without purpose t. Without any doubt, it is meant to prove, to an community, anxious for its future, the existence of an suitable objective identity for French-speaking areas and to show its capacity to act by the presentation of its resources: in other words, to objectify its capacity, its force of radiation. The assertion of the French-speaking identity by this way operates according to two distinct but complementary modes. Facing the linguistic insecurity, which emerges from everywhere, it is a matter of reassuring as to the importance of the French language, which will be defined (identified) by the number of speakers and of highlighting the vitality of the cultural community which adopts this language. It is also a question of compensating for the contradictory perceptions displayed: about its richness, its virtues, its value but also about the threats to it (decline of its universality, loss of its purity, weakening of its influence in the world…), by a ceaseless inventory of the elements composing the assets (and the liability) of French-speaking area. Like G. de Broglie says: « si le nombre n'est pas tout, la conscience du nombre est essentielle ».

- Distance between (cultural and linguistic) francophonie and geopolitical Francophonie

The international "Francophonie", which expressed itself largely, is born from a whole combination of political initiatives taken, out of France, after the independences of the colonies in order to constitute a new geopolitical entity. Currently the “Organisation internationale de la Francophonie (OIF)” gathers countries that do not have or have few bonds with the French language, which is resented by many French-speaking people. More and more, the Member States list of the OIF differs from the sociolinguistic "French-speaking" countries. To participate or not in the French-speaking Conferences is, for a country, a political choice. Vietnam and Egypt are members; Macedonia also; countries which belong at the same time to other linguistic areas are present too. The French-speaking Conference of Ouagadoudou (November 1994) did welcome Austria (as an observer)… On the other hand, Algeria, country where the number of French-speaking people remains high, was absent. The political Francophonie remains crossed by the tensions of the North-South dialogue but, after the fall of the Berlin Wall, it opened to several countries of the former East-block: Romania, Bulgaria, Poland (as observer), Albania, Moldavia… As a whole, the political speech of the "Francophonie des Sommets " is more focused on what the French-speaking Community must be rather than on what it is really.

V. An strong institutional identity

- Francophonie and francophonie, a "Network of networks"

A general overview the bibliography devoted to Francophonie, very clearly shows some of the main axes around which it evolves: for example the place occupied by the institutional communication of the authorities members or close to the intergovernmental Francophonie. We are immediately struck by the strong presence of these sources, since the creation in 1970 of the “Agence de coopération culturelle et technique”, the ACCT (become in 1998 " Agence intergouvernementale de la Francophonie ", AIF). This movement widely developed since the Conference of Francophonie has been convened every two years, and since the decision taken atthe Conference of Hanoï, to better coordinate the official institutions of the Francophonie.

The catalogue of the publications of the l'Agence intergouvernementale de la Francophonie (1970-2000) is a good indicator of the strong participation of a whole of institutional actors (intergovernmental, transnational, national and subnational See the chapter devoted to “Coopération internationale et Francophonie : synthèse et publications officielles”, pp. 57-63 and also the chapter “Documentation, Information et Communication”, pp. 65-90. ) in the activities of the OIF and of the interest shown in its structure The catalogue of the publications is presented like the memory of the action of the Agency in favour of a multiform intellectual production since 1970. The Agence intergouvernementale de la Francophonie is the main line operator of the OIF which leads actions in the fields of the international politics and the multilateral cooperation. There is also a Consultative Assembly, The Assemblée parlementaire de la Francophonie (APF) and direct operators : the Agence universitaire de la Francophonie (AUPELF-UREF), the Senghor University of Alexandrie, TV5-Europe and TV5-Afrique, TV5-Canada, the Association internationale des maires et des responsables des capitales et métropoles partiellement ou entièrement francophones (AIMF), the Institut des formations (INTIF), the Institut de l'énergie et de l'environnement de la Francophonie (IEPF). As for very many French-speaking associations, the Annuaire de l'Agence francophonie d'amitié et de liaison (Association des associations francophones) provides a detailed list. .

The institutionalisation of Francophonie is strong. Ministries and national or sub-etatic public services (Delegations and Services of the French language, for example) do not fail to produce ad hoc studies. Around intergovernmental Francophonie, many private, national and international associations (NGO and NGIO) revolve, which are also largely present on the ground of the discursive production on the "francophonie" (with lower case letter this time), i.e. the production by French-speakers. The NGO were at the origin of the "moving" francophonie. They are still the engine. Particularly numerous, they constituted, very early, specialised or sector networks (linguists, academicians, French teachers, journalists…). They constitute the principal pillars of the francophonie. Their militancy is the expression of the French-speaking ideology they defend. These informal networks are not impermeable to the formal networks of national or international obedience which generally support them. Moreover, the authors who express themselves about the francophonie are, in many cases, actors representing several institutions at the same time and thus cumulate various types of legitimacy. The various roles they play bring about confusion of the different types of speech (scientific, normative, practise) that we find in their work. The weakness of the borders between the various French-speaking universes explains the frequent mixing of ideal matters for one part and strategic matters for another. We could also define the Francophonie asf a "Network of French-speaking networks". This strengthens the idea of a Francophonie remaining (still) elitist, and in spite of it, still operating, against its objectives, in a closed circle with a dominant speech.

VI. A cultural and political identity with variable-geometry

From a common ethnic identity: geographical proximity and diaspora…

A. Sélim was interested in the ethnic identity of the supranational communities (we would say "trans-national"). He distinguishes three cases: ethnics groups of common origin split into two or several groups by State divisions (Walloons and French, for example). The geographical proximity of these groups and the resulting exchanges perpetuate the awareness of a common ethnic membership, whereas each of them is more and more penetrated by the culture of the nation to which it belongs. Another case is the originating ethnic groups spread throughout the world by a massive phenomenon of exodus or emigration. These phenomena have lead to the birth of Diasporas whose members maintain among them a real solidarity and continue to claim a common ethnic identity. However, each of them is deeply integrated into the culture of the nation that adopted it. So that, the transition toward the national cultural identity will be experienced not as the transition not from an identity to another, but as an evolution from an experienced identity to the same widened and enriched identity A. SELIM, op cit., p. 37 . The conscience of a cultural heritage is felt like an appreciable contribution in the culture of the adoptive nation.

…to a common cultural off-shore identity

The third case relates to communities of language and culture created by the phenomena of conquests and colonisation: the French-speaking, English-speaking, Spanish-speaking, or Arabic-speaking areas. These areas function as places of ethnic identification only as far as they are asserted as such by the national communities occupying them. The author provides the example of the arabo-Moslems countries which all identifying themselves ethnically to the Arab Ouma ("Arab nation"), offshore community of language and religion. On the other hand, French-speaking, English-speaking or Spanish-speaking areas do not present, according to this author, a common ethnic identity but rather a certain common cultural identity (in spite of different national cultures). However, A. Selim thinks that these cultural areas, founded on language, can become places of ethnic identification, if they are successfully mobilised by an ethnicist ideology, i.e. "referring to a history or a common origin symbolised by a common cultural heritage…". However, from this point of view, the situation of the francophonie is a cultural and political diverse area; where the French language plays different roles corresponding to different expectations. For example, French became an African language by decree and an asset of the colonisation that the African people intend to capitalise like a resource. Indeed, the French language imposed by the colonial system transcended the vernacular languages and according to M. Viaud, allowed the African society, atomised until that moment, to become aware of its cultural unity. See Le français, langue africaine par décret, p. 58. “La Francophonie en Afrique” in Fr. Massart-Pierard (ed.), “La langue : vecteur d'organisation internationale”, Louvain-la-Neuve, Coll. Echanges francophones, n° 2, Academia, Editions d'Acadie, 1993, p. 58.After the end of the colonial system, the young countries of this continent joined the international scene using French as a means of communication with their metropolis (and within the international organisations). Then, 1965 (OCAM), we sawn the apotheosis of their regrouping on a linguistic and cultural basis. The consensualism followed the imperialism with the intention to collaborate in diplomacy, economy, technology… with France or Belgium.

VII. The identitaire strategy of widening: the recourse to the Latin ethno-cultural identity

The potential cultural area is, points out A. Selim, broader than the cultural area founded by the language. This French-speaking author gives the example of the confused and unexpressed feeling of a Latin ethno-cultural identity threatened by the Anglo-Saxon civilisation, that General de Gaulle sought to mobilise at the time of his South American round by using the expression "Nosotros latinos" with the reason that all Latin countries, in spite of the linguistic differences, are related to the same destiny against the crushing power of the Anglo-Saxon world. A. SELIM, op cit., p. 38. Moreover, the idea of an afro-Latin symbiosis is conveyed by A. Malraux that he justifies by the entry of the African cultures in the "universal civilisation". It is the optics of B. CHAUDENSON and D. de ROBILLARD, Langues, économie et développement, Aix-en-Provence, Institut d'études créoles, 1989, p. 21 or of Mr. GUILLOU, La Francophonie, nouvel enjeu mondial, Paris, ........, 1993 and of J.L. ROY, Mondialisation, développement et culture. La médiation francophone, Montréal, Hurtubise, 1999, p. 25.

On the strategic level, the reference to a Latin ethno-cultural identity presents several advantages, firstly, not to focus too much the attention on the emergence of a linguistic-cultural area polarised by France and thus avoid the cultural neo-imperialism charges; secondly, to forge, in the name of the shared interests defence, a kind of alliance between areas with same linguistic origins with a view to asserting themselves against the rise of the power of the Anglo-Saxon world Organisation internationale de la Francophonie. Trois espaces linguistiques face aux défis de la mondialisation, Actes du colloque international, Paris, 20 et 21 mars 2001. .

The speech of M. Boutros-Boutros-Ghali, General Secretary of the Organisation internationale de la Francophonie at the time, is unambiguous as to the required goal: « Car lutter pour la reconnaissance et la préservation des identités culturelles, ce n'est pas simplement vouloir que les langues restent vivantes. C'est vouloir que les hommes vivent mieux ! C'est dire que cette revendication a un sens profondément politique. C'est dire, aussi, qu'à travers les 79 Etats et gouvernements membres de nos 5 organisations Organisation of the Ibero-American States, the Community of the Countries of Portuguese language, Ibero-American Cooperation, Latin Union and international Organisation of Francophonie. The Secretary-general of our organisations organise advisory meetings "Francophonie-Hispanophonie-Lusaphonie in charge of the follow-up of the recommendations and common proposals. In addition Conferences binding three linguistic spaces are organised. , nous disposons d'une capacité d'influence et d'une force de frappe qui comptent » Organisation internationale de la Francophonie, Trois espaces linguistiques faxe aux défis de la mondialisation, op. cit., p. 346..

A new awareness emerges with the idea of taking into account the acceptance of the situation generated by the globalisation, which make it possible to prepare for other broadenings « La langue française est l'une des langues du monde. Son affirmation et son expansion sont indissociables du respect que nous devons avoir pour tous les autres espaces linguistiques, sans exception : Inséparables aussi d'une sympathie profonde pour d'autres communautés humaines à la recherche des mêmes assises et voulant traduire dans leur langue l'ensemble des expériences de l'humanité, de la poésie au génie génétique » J.-L. ROY, La Francophonie. L'émergence d'une alliance ?, Québec Editions Hurtubise, HMH Ltée, p. 11..

VIII. The francophonie and its contradictions

1. The French language, language of domination and language of release

Language of culture and civilisation, French appears liberating for some and alienating for others. M. TETU, op cit., p. 27. E. Faure, points out M. Tétu, suggested in a short speech that the « francophonie soit (…) en quelque sorte une « libéraphonie » M. TETU, op. cit., p. 26.. Par ailleurs, la langue française est aussi perçue comme un instrument de pouvoir dont se sert l'élite pour tenir à l'écart les populations dont il détruit les particularismes. Ainsi oppose-t-on régulièrement la « francophonie des spécialistes à la francophonie populaire ». But to remove the handicap due to this observation, a return to the normative order is operated: French, language of culture reserved for the traditional elites, must become a language of popular expression and technical training, a living language. This requires an act of faith among the French people.

2. Tensions : francophonie of the elites and popular francophonie

An historical look shows the contradictory character of the normative speech on the French language. It was already the case of the founding speech of Vaugras « Remarques sur la langue française utiles à ceux qui veulent bien parler et bien escrire » (1647): on the one hand, the standards can only be based on usage (i.e. the most general practices) but on the other hand, this same text entrusts the task of coding normative laws to an elite close to the political and cultural power: the Court is recognised, from its position, as the body producing "good linguistic practices". J-P. Bronckart J.-P. BRONCKART, « Normes, langue et école. Présentation », in G. SCHOENI, J.-P BRONCKART, Ph. PERRENOUD (eds) points out that this ambiguity of Vaugras' position will continue to characterise the writings of the majority of his successors, which is illustrated in the title of the reference work of Grévisse : « Le bon usage » (1959) M. GREVISSE, Le bon usage, Gembloux, Duculot, 1959. . A contradiction with similar aspects persists in the francophonie itself, which remains divided regarding its future between a francophonie of specialists (of the elite) and a popular francophonie.

Like G. de Broglie says, « Si le nombre n'est pas tout, la conscience du nombre est essentielle. La demo-linguistique rend mal compte de la polyphonie française » G. de BROGLIE, Le français pour qu'il vive, Paris, Gallimard, 1986.

3. The French language between unity and diversity; between universality and differentiation

At the time of the 5^th biennial of the French language in Dakar in 1973, the Francophonie was already presented by M. Piron as a "two edged weapon ". He specified: « Elle rassemble les pays de langue française mais cette union peut dégager un facteur d'unité aussi bien qu'un facteur de diversité. Ses défenseurs y trouvent toutefois une nouvelle occasion de la magnifier en revenant sur son caractère universel ». The latter, indeed, is used to justify the appearance of the tension between the unity and the diversity, characteristic of the francophonie, because, the more a language spreads, the more it tends to be particularised. So, within the francophonie, the diversity itself, in spite of the desire for unity, is glorified It ensures the success of the French-speaking Community « La Francophonie est, ne cesse-t-on de répéter, riche de sa diversité ». In a more subtle way,, whatis praised is the game of differentiations, which French, as a second, inserts in the French-speaking area. A. Selim opposes the meanings of the expressions « francophonie plurielle » and « francophonie différentielle ». The formula « francophonie plurielle » is used to underline linguistic and cultural diversity of countries using the French language « et pour signifier que, dans toutes ces situations le français se pose comme un facteur de promotion des langues et des cultures autochtones ». The concept of « francophonie plurielle » remains enunciative, the concept of « francophonie différentielle » requests an explanation. It requires evoking the differentiations game that French as a second practised and introduced into French-speaking area in general but also in the linguistic and cultural configuration of each country which makes it up. The concept includes a functional and a symbolic dimension. The functional dimension returns to the importance of bilingualism. This is fundamental because it is conveying an original cultural synthesis, of which the profile differs from one country to another, and inside the same country from one social group to another. The differential function of French, as a second language, is thus, underlined. The symbolic dimension brings to the fore the sense of identity that French, as a second language, can take on for a given population, conferring to this one a specific difference, whose meaning is at the same time cultural and political Une Francophonie différentielle sous la direction de Selim ABOU et Katia HADDAD,Paris, L'Harmattan, Agence francophone pour l'enseignement et la recherche, AUPRF-UREF, 1994..

IX. The break

1. Francophonie between force of past and deconstruction of the founders myths

The transfer of the feelings from France to Francophonie and the passage from French, the language of France, to the statute of a shared language does not oblige any more to conform to only one identity considered as “a radical alterity". This new deal involves rips because reconstitution of the identity that it requires and the polarisation of the attitudes towards it. In « Pour une ambition francophone. Le désir et l'indifférence », published in 1995 in L'Harmattan, Dominique Gallet, In a speech marked by Gaullist ideas, pleads for a strong French national sovereignty to ensure the influence of the French language in the world D. Gallet, Pour une ambition francophone. Le désir et l'indifférence, Paris, l'Harmattan, 1995. . On the other hand, Henri Meschonnic, in « De la langue française » published in Hachette in 1997, allows himself, as a professor of linguistics at the University of Paris VIII, to denounce the myth of the genius of the French language and of its clarity. The supporters of this myth, he says, proclaim that this language is dying and that consequently, it should be defended. « Ils pensent parler de la langue, ils ne parlent que de littérature. Ils veulent l'identité. Ils ont la pluralité. Ils veulent conserver. Ce qu'ils conservent, c'est l'académisme ». This speech is unambiguous and contrary to the first one. Henri Meschonnic opposes to the immutability of the French language but wants to find the sense of its historicity. His work, one of the rare existing critical works on this subject, wants to find another representation of the French language, of its past, its present and its future: a less depressing image according to the author. According to its own words, the stake of his analysis is, « indissociablement poétique et politique » H. MESSCHONNIC, De la langue française, Paris, Hachette, 1997, p. 18. (we underline).

What precedes is a good example of J.M. Leger's remarks J. J.M. LEGER, La Francophonie grand dessein, grande ambiguïté, Hurtubise, HMH, 1987.  : « La diversité des motivations, des interprétations, des objectifs témoigne de la confusion à l'endroit de la francophonie » J.M. LEGER, op. cit., p. 60.. A deeper knowledge of the literature concerning francophonie confirms this evaluation. Moreover, one of the principal characteristics of the speech on the francophonie is that it largely to escapes the scrutiny of a scientific glance. Indeed, it appears that « le domaine de la francophonie ne soit pas particulièrement propice à l'objectivité, s'agissant d'un terrain épineux, peu aisé à explorer, semer d'obstacles idéologiques, traversé de conflits politiques », recognise D. de Robillard and M. Beniemine De ROBILLARD D., BENIEMINE M., Le Français dans l'espace francophone, Paris, Honoré Champion éditeur. who conclude: « C'est une réalité, la francophonie, communauté de langue, est mise à contribution par des stratégies diverses que la perspective soit économique, politique ou autre ».

2. In search of the lost universality: The French language, between life and death

The titles of works and names of reviews oscillate between two forecasts of health diametrically opposite: the degradation of French and its vitality. G. de Broglie, wanting to serve the French cause, has written a book revealing his apprehensions: « Le français pour qu'il vive » G. de BROGLIE, Le français pour qu'il vive, Paris, Gallimard, 1986. . This work intends to carry out a medical check-up and propose therapeutics. He seeks « les moyens d'agir sans jamais dissocier la démarche nationale du point de vue international ». The author observes that French is not any more the language of civilisation but also that no language has replaced it in this quality. The undeniable crisis of French in its quantitative aspects would be « plus généralement une crise de la langue et des valeurs qu'elle exprime » G de BROGLIE, op cit., p. 50. .

M. Guillou and A. Littardi also ask to put an end to the image of the past, which wants that the francophonie and the defence of French mean the exclusion of the other languages and that a “frenchized” area is opposed to a anglo-americanised area; whereas it is the standardisation which it is necessary to control… What enables them to claim that the francophonie is defined by diversity and that it represents "the chance of the humanism of tomorrow", this humanism being nothing else than "the humanism of the difference ».

3. Rise and fall of the French language

The ambivalence of French appears as a result of history as much as a cause « Elle plaça le français en tête et à la croisée des principaux courants qui traversèrent le siècle dernier », explains G. de Broglie. Indeed, as the language of the courts and the elite in the 19^th century, French was essential, simultaneously it was also the language of the progress and the Enlightenment, the language of the humans right and the constitution, the language of the revolutions of 1789, 1831 and 1848 G de BROGLIE, op cit., pp. 46-47. .

The French language is defined as an attribute??, with properties due to its essence (genius, clearness, universality…) and the Francophonie as a Community in the history founded on the division of spiritual and cultural values J.M. Leger, quoted by M. Tétu, op cit., p. 21. , as much as the idea of threats against it and against the French-speaking cultures, is also very present. The danger comes from outside but also from the inside. Outside, « par la diffusion d'un seul modèle socio-culturel, par le risque mortel de l'uniformisation, négation de l'universel» J.M. Leger, quoted by M. Tétu, op. cit., p. 21. .