American and chinese vectors of the japanese foreign policy under the premiership of Junichiro Koizumi (years 2001-2006)

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American and chinese vectors of the japanese foreign policy under the premiership of Junichiro Koizumi (years 2001-2006)

ДУБІНСЬКИЙ Володимир - кандидат історичних наук, доцент, перший проректор Кам'янець-Подільського національного університету імені Івана Огієнка, вул. Огієнка, 61, м. Кам'янець-Подільський, індекс 32300, Україна

Dubinsky Volodymyr - Candidate of Historical Sciences, Associate Professor, First vice rector Kamianets-Podilskyi National Ivan Ohiienko University, 61, Ohiienko Street, Kamianets-Podilskyi, index 32300, Ukraine

ЮГА Олександр - кандидат історичних наук, старший викладач кафедри всесвітньої історії Кам'янець-Подільського національного університету імені Івана Огієнка, вул. Татарська, 14, м. Кам'янець-Подільський, індекс 32300, Україна

YUHA Oleksandr - Candidate of Historical Sciences, Senior Lecturer, Department of World History, Kamianets-Podilskyi National Ivan Ohiienko University, 14 Tatars'ka Street, Kamianets-Podilskyi, index 32300, Ukraine

Abstract

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The article defines the essence, peculiarities and results of Prime Minister Koizumi Junichiro's foreign policy concept (2001-2006) in the context of Tokyo's relations with Washington and Beijing at the beginning of the 21st century. The methodological bases of the study are the principles of historicism, objectivity and systematicity, as well as different methods. Problem-chronological became the principal method. The methods of content analysis, expert assessments were also applied. The scientific novelty lies in the attempt to comprehensively study the main vectors of the Japanese (American and Chinese) government's foreign policy activities at the beginning of the 21st century, to determine their content and specifics of implementation, and to establish their consequences. Conclusions. It has been established that as Prime Minister, Koizumi paid close attention to the American vector of foreign policy, and as a result, Japan's relations with the United States improved considerably. The strengthening of Japan's crisis-response mechanism, and its positive experience of participation in overseas operations, helped the country gradually achieve the status of an equal ally of the United States. Simultaneously, there has been a strain on Japan-China relations. It has been established that China's dissatisfaction with Koizumi's policies stemmed firstly from his focus on strengthening the Japanese-American alliance and secondly from the Prime Minister's own behaviour, which was seen as disrespecting the national feelings of the Chinese (“war of nerves”). As a result, China's official policy was aimed at condemning Koizumi's actions and limiting intergovernmental contacts. As a result, during his premiership, there was no fundamental convergence in the assessment of the historical past and relations between the two countries, which was damaging to both of them in the end.

Key words: Japan, D. Koizumi, foreign policy, USA, China, Asia-Pacific, international relations.

АМЕРИКАНСЬКИЙ ТА КИТАЙСЬКИЙ ВЕКТОРИ ЗОВНІШНЬОЇ ПОЛІТИКИ ЯПОНІЇ ПРЕМ'ЄРСТВА ДЗЮНІТІРО КОЇДЗУМІ (2001-2006 рр.)

Анотація

Метою статті є визначення сутності, особливостей та результатів реалізації зовнішньополітичної концепції прем'єр-міністра Дзюнітіро Коїдзумі (2001-2006 рр.) у контексті взаємовідносин Токіо з Вашингтоном і Пекіном на початку XXI ст. Методологічними підвалинами дослідження є принципи історизму, об'єктивності й системності, а також різні методи. В якості основного став проблемно-хронологічний. Також застосовувалися методи контент-аналізу, експертних оцінок тощо. Наукова новизна полягає у спробі комплексного дослідження основних векторів зовнішньополітичної діяльності уряду Японії (американського і китайського) на початку XXI ст., визначення їх змісту та особливостей реалізації, а також встановлення їх наслідків. Висновки. З'ясовано, що ставши прем'єр-міністром Д. Коїдзумі приділяв особливо велику увагу американському вектору зовнішньої політики, внаслідок чого відбулося істотне поліпшення союзницьких відносин Японії і США. Зміцнення механізму кризового реагування у Японії, позитивний досвід її участі в операціях за кордоном посприяли тому, що країна поступово наближалася до статусу рівноправного союзника США. Воднораз, у японо-китайських відносинах спостерігалося їх погіршення. Вияснено, що невдоволення КНР політикою Коїдзумі викликали, по- перше, його орієнтація на зміцнення японо-американського альянсу, а, по-друге, власне особиста поведінка прем'єр-міністра, в якій вбачалася неповага до національних почуттів китайського народу («війна нервів»). Внаслідок чого, офіційна лінія зовнішньополітичного відомства КНР спрямовувалася на засудження дій Д. Коїдзумі та обмеження міжурядових контактів. Відтак, за період його прем'єрства не відбулося принципового зближення сторін у питаннях оцінки історичного минулого, взаємовідносин між державами, що врешті-решт завдавало шкоди обом країнам.

Ключові слова: Японія, Д. Коїдзумі, зовнішня політика, США, Китай, АТР міжнародні відносини.

Problem statement. Today, Southeast Asia occupies a special place in the system of global international relations. After all, the region has become a center of the world economy. However, the existing system of relations between the leading states is far from perfect, which has had a negative impact on their socio-economic development.

One of the most important factors in international relations at the beginning of the 21st century was the ongoing political confrontation in the struggle for influence in the Asia-Pacific Region (APR) between the US, Japan and China. And the politics of each of them undoubtedly had a significant impact on its acuteness. The activities of the government of the talented diplomat Junichiro Koizumi (20012006) are illustrative in this regard and require further study.

The current study comprehensively identifies the features of the Japanese government's foreign policy towards the US and PRC, its influence on inter-state relations in the Asia-Pacific region and the role of Junichiro Koizumi in it.

Analysis of the historiography of the problem. Despite the considerable attention of foreign and domestic researchers to the issue of interstate relations between the United States, Japan and China at the beginning of the 21st century, their works are mainly of a political science nature. At the same time, some of them generally analyze international relations in the Asia-Pacific region, omitting Japan's policy at the beginning of the 21st century (Gorodnya, 2010, 198-227; Shevchuk, 2010). Partially the problem we have mentioned is considered in the monographic study by S. Pron, devoted to the coverage of relations between Japan, the USA and Russia in the context of cooperation and rivalry in the Asia-Pacific region during 1951-2007 (Pron, 2008). The work of Shevchuk that focuses on the characteristics of relations between the United States, Russia and China at that time (Shevchuk, 2008), is also of some interest. Some aspects of this problem were also touched upon in scientific studies devoted directly to Japanese-American and Japanese-Chinese relations in the late 20th and early 20th centuries (Paramonov, 2007; Semin, 2009). In Ukrainian historiography the problem has not been studied at all.

The outline of the main material. Prime Minister Koizumi Junichiro became an influential figure in Japanese public and political life at the beginning of the 21st century, his stance greatly influenced the country's domestic stability and its foreign policy image. Nevertheless, before characterizing its foreign policy concept, it is important to determine the background of its formation and the influence of previous governments' doctrines on it. In the case of the Japan-US foreign policy vector, no principled documents on bilateral security cooperation were developed during the first half of the 1990s. The reason for this was the need for the allies to adapt to the new model of international relations and, accordingly, for Japan and the US to develop a modernized strategy to deal with the unstable situation in the Asia-Pacific region (Semenist, 2016, p. 118).

The key role in Tokyo's foreign policy was played by the so-called “Kaif Doctrine”, based on the American New World Order doctrine of J. Bush Sr. Compared to previous Japanese military doctrines, it focused on ensuring peace and security in the Asia-Pacific region, ensuring freedom and democracy, security and prosperity in the world in an open market economy system, protecting the environment, ensuring stable international relations based on dialog and cooperation (Shevchuk, Vovchuk, Pogorelova, 2016, p. 70). In the second half of the 1990s, the country's foreign policy concept was revised, resulting in the development of the Hashimoto Doctrine, which was already aimed at comprehensively ensuring Japan's national security in close cooperation with the US and European countries. Its main task was the “covert” struggle against the strengthening of Chinese influence in the Asian region through political and economic methods (Shevchuk, Vovchuk, Pogorelova, 2016, p. 70).

At the beginning of the 21st century, Japan's new foreign policy strategy began to form. One of its key objectives was to deepen mutually beneficial cooperation with many Eurasian countries. At the same time, relations with the United States remained among the priorities of the country's foreign policy. It has been revealed that before his premiership (during the election campaign) Koizumi positioned himself as an advocate of a strong Japan, which should enjoy great prestige in international circles, have a full-fledged armed force and security guarantees in an alliance with the strongest countries in the world (Koizumi, 2003, 4). After becoming prime minister, he has confirmed that the main objective of his policy was to further strengthen the alliance with the USA, the axis of Japanese foreign policy. Second, the promotion of peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region was proclaimed. Priority was given to the relations with the PRC, the Republic of Korea and Russia. At the same time, the head of the government sought to ensure the country's leading role in the creation of an international system appropriate to the realities of the 21st century. Koizumi saw the main challenges in achieving this goal as reforming the UN and strengthening the multilateral system of international trade (Urazaeva, 2018, p. 119).

Note that during his premiership, relations with the USA developed especially dynamically. Within a month after becoming the head of the government, he visited the United States, where, during a meeting with G. Bush testified to his loyalty to allied commitments. And, in a fairly short time, he had to confirm this in practice, when Japan took unprecedented steps to participate in the anti-terrorist operation in response to the September 11, 2001 explosions (Shlyndov, 2004, p. 94). Koizumi was the first government leader under whom Japan took part in the military action initiated by its ally after the September tragedy. The prime minister's political will and personality certainly contributed to this, but also to a significant change in the views of the political elite and Japanese society as a whole about the country's role in world politics (Paramonov 2007, p. 27).

In June 2002, Bush and Koizumi agreed to further strengthen security cooperation. Specific areas of cooperation were to be developed in the framework of the 2+2 meetings (at the security advisory committee meetings). During the May 2003 summit, the two heads of state announced the concept of an `Alliance in a Global Context', which set a course for expanding the alliance's functions from regional interaction to close cooperation in solving world problems (Semin, 2010, p. 36). In February 2005, they adopted “Common Strategic Objectives”, a document, which, for the first time, clearly defined the scope of their common interests both in the world and in the Asia-Pacific region and provided clear guidelines for long-term cooperation in the transformational processes that have taken place in the international situation. The parties highlighted the most urgent tasks of the early twenty-first century. The priority was to counter international terrorism and prevent the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (Semenist, 2010, р. 25; Paramonov, 2011, р. 34).

Based on a series of earlier agreements, the two leaders in June 2006 released another document, the Japan-US New Century Alliance, which effectively summarised the experience of working together to strengthen the security relationship. It also confirmed the identity of interests in areas such as winning the war against terrorism, developing a free market, fighting for human rights, ensuring freedom of trade, and strengthening global energy security. It also fixes the previously adopted concept of globalisation of the alliance and defines the directions of cooperation between the countries in the 21st century (Dobrinskaya, 2007, p. 85-86).

Thus, after a few years, both governments revised their security relations to match the new realities. They covered various interests both regionally and globally. It should be stressed that the US was seriously banking on an alliance with Japan, which had shown a willingness to strengthen its role in international affairs. In particular, Washington was interested in Japan's active participation in the US-led fight against terrorism. At the same time, Tokyo was quick enough to show practical readiness in this direction after the tragic events of 11th September. Afterwards, a package of laws was passed that allowed self-defense forces to travel to the Indian Ocean to provide logistics support to anti-terrorist coalition troops. Also under the banner of counterterrorism, Japan supported other allied moves - military action in Afghanistan and later in Iraq (Dobrinskaya, 2003, р. 80; Dobrinskaya, 2007, р. 86).

It is worth noting that such bold actions were quite risky for Koizumi's political career because his decision to send self-defense forces to Iraq caused ambiguous perception and assessment both in political circles and in society itself. However, the Prime Minister obviously resorted to such actions because of their importance for strengthening the national security of the country. In his conviction, they demonstrated alignment with the US as a politico-military ally capable of actually defending Japan in case of need. Moreover, this policy opened up access to Iraqi oil, which was particularly important for the energy needs of the country and set a precedent for further expansion of the self-defense force's functions beyond its borders (Dobrinskaya, 2007, p. 86-87; Paramonov, 2011, p. 38). In other words, there was a gradual expansion of the self-defense forces and their ability to support the US in a global context. Understandably, for Japan, this also meant an increase in its own international standing.

It was to meet these challenges that the Koizumi government made every effort to strengthen cooperation with the US, including the development of the necessary legal and regulatory framework. In the summer of 2003, for example, the first part of the so-called “emergency legislation” was adopted, defining the procedure for the government, local governments and the population in situations posing a threat to the country's national security. In June 2004, the document was supplemented by laws to expand the scope of the “Japan-US Mutual Goods and Services Agreement,” facilitate the delivery of fuel and other goods, and determine by mutual agreement the use of infrastructure facilities (Dobrinskaya, 2007, р. 87). At the end of 2004, a new policy document emerged that expected a gradual transition from a traditionally passive defense concept to a preventive war strategy. The new National Defense Guidelines set the stage for increased military cooperation with the United States (Paramonov 2007, р. 9).

An important event in the context of Japan-US relations during Koizumi's premiership was the conclusion of negotiations on the American presence in Japan, which began in 1995. The relevant document regulating the process of redeployment of US troops on Japanese territory was finally adopted in May 2005. This was supposed to strengthen the interaction between the military commands of both states. Its importance for Washington was due to its intention to concentrate all military forces in the Pacific region in Japan (Aslanova 2010, p. 144). The adoption of this programme indicated a strengthening of Japan's role as a strategic base for possible US military operations in the region. At the same time, its role in ensuring national security was growing, especially given the set of existing arrangements with Washington. Also, as early as December 2003, the Koizumi government approved the placement of a multi-layered missile defense system in Japan. At the same time, decades-long restrictions on the export of weapons and military technology were lifted, paving the way for the development of a common missile defense system that would guarantee the country's ability to protect itself against potential threats from the DPRK, the PRC and Russia (Dobrinskaya, 2007, p. 88).

Thus, Koizumi's policy showed that in the conditions of instability in the world, the Japanese leadership saw no other way out than to rely on an alliance with the United States. The alliance, which allowed the Japanese to feel safe for decades, pursuing a pacifist policy, has undergone significant changes towards increasing Japan's military commitments. At the same time, Washington also relied on Tokyo as the most important ally in the Asia-Pacific region, a base for possible operations in the Pacific Ocean or the Middle East. Therefore, the transformation of the Alliance, on the one hand, met the requirements of the United States, and on the other hand, strengthened the mechanism of ensuring Japan's national security.

An important direction of the foreign policy of the Koizumi government was the regulation of relations with China. Therefore, in relations between the two countries there were many problems and reasons for conflicts, most of which had deep historical roots. Thus, the Chinese side was extremely painful about the issues related to the “Nanjing Massacre” of 1937, which remained a sore point in the historical memory of the Chinese and caused fierce disputes in Japan (Batakova, 2014, p. 32-33; Batakova, 2016, p. 107).

At the beginning of the XXI century, a new outbreak of tension began to be observed in bilateral relations again, which was caused by the first visit of the

Japanese Prime Minister to Yasukuni Shrine, and the government once again approved new textbooks on the history of Japan, the content of which caused sharp criticism from China (denying Japanese aggression in China). As for Yasukuni Temple, the essence of the conflict was that after Japan's defeat in World War II and the abolition of the state religion, it lost the official support of the state. Despite this, the temple continued to be privately visited by Japanese officials (Petrenko, 2006; Petrunina, 2014, p. 2157). Since Japanese soldiers were honored in Yasukuni, and in particular those who were executed by the Tokyo Tribunal, the governments of the PRC and Republic of Korea expressed constant protests against visits to the temple by Japanese officials (Dobrynska, 2003, p. 97; Molodyakova, 2007, p. 49).

After becoming Prime Minister, Koizumi paid visits to South Korea and China in October 2001. At the same time, in China, on the eve of the next change of political leadership, was discussed the possibility of “new thinking” in relations with Japan, which should be based on the rejection of excessive emphasis on the differences between the two sides in assessing the history. At this, Seoul and Beijing were awaiting the steps to be taken by Tokyo. However, after D. Koizumi's next visit to Yasukuni Shrine in April 2002, the political dialog was suspended. As a result, the official visit of the Prime Minister of Japan China was cancelled. Especially after Hu Jintao came to power in 2002, a new role of China in the region was defined - increasing China's responsibility for the situation in East Asia and recognition of its regional influence by the United States (with the prospect of involving the DPRK in the negotiations since 2004 - Author). Meetings between the leaders of the two countries occurred only at international forums (Batakova, 2014, p. 34; Vidmarovych, 2008, p. 71).

In 2003, the leaders of Japan, China and the Republic of Korea agreed to start trilateral cooperation in discussing various areas of relations. However, the achieved results have not received the desired development (Petrunina, 2014, p. 2157). The Chinese leadership regarded most of Tokyo's foreign policy steps as those aimed at deterring China. Thus, in its opinion, the strengthening of Japan-US cooperation on security issues in the region actually narrowed the field for China's maneuvers (Dobrinskaya, 2007, p. 92; Mikheev, 2009, p. 47). Another aggravation of Japan- China relations occurred in April 2005, when a wave of thousands of anti-Japanese protests and pogroms occurred in major cities of China. Significant damage was caused to Japanese companies and diplomatic missions, as well as private companies. The reason for this was another publication of a history textbook, which omitted the facts of the already mentioned Nanjing Massacre (Batakova, 2014, p. 36).

The Chinese leadership was also dissatisfied with Japan's approach to the problem of Taiwan. Beijing regarded the US and Japan's attempts to inclusion the island into the scope of their military treaty as interference in China's internal affairs. By the end of 2005, the political dialogue between the countries had almost completely stopped. Bilateral ties in various spheres began to break down, and there was a real threat to the economic interests of both countries (Vidmarovych, 2008, p. 72).

Dissatisfaction with D. Koizumi's actions even reached such a level that at the APEC summit in Busan in November 2005, as well as at the ASEAN summit in December 2005 in Malaysia, Hu Jintao refused to meet the Japanese Prime Minister, because the latter on October 17 again made a pilgrimage to Yasukuni, which, according to Beijing, perpetuated the memory of Japanese war criminals. The representative of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of China demanded that Koizumi abandon his further visits, because in this way he glorifies 14 war criminals who are directly responsible for the aggression against China during World War II. The Japanese Prime Minister rejected this criticism of Beijing, stressing that visiting Yasukuni does not cause any harm to the diplomatic image of his country and does not offend the feelings of the Chinese. After all, the purpose of his visits to the shrine was to honour the downfall during the war and renounce the war as a means of resolving interstate disagreements and conflicts (Dobrinskaya, 2007, р. 93; Molodyakova, 2007, р. 51; Shilkina, 2014, р. 945).

The visit of the Prime Minister to the temple was also the reason for the fact that over the past four years, the two heads of state have not paid mutual visits. Dialogue at the highest level has actually been frozen. The situation became so unfavourable that many Japanese parliamentarians and professionals appealed to the Prime Minister with a request to stop the pilgrimage to Yasukuni. However, Koizumi again repeated that visiting the temple was his personal business, and it should not affect relations with other countries (Dobrynska, 2007, р. 93).

China's leadership stated that it was ready to develop relations with Japan if it cooperated in the spirit of “learning lessons from the past and looking to the future” (Batakova, 2014, p. 40). And they were certainly important for the country. First, China's voice as a permanent member of the UN Security Council was necessary for Tokyo to obtain a permanent seat in the UN Security Council. Secondly, China could be central to ensuring security in Asia, as well as in solving problems with the DPRK. Of course, involving China in multilateral dialogues in Asia, close economic cooperation, and promoting its democratisation were in Japan's national interests. Therefore, the Japanese leadership was aware of the need to improve bilateral relations with China (Dobrynska, 2007, p. 93-94).

Conclusions

After taking the post of Prime Minister, Koizumi paid special attention to the development of the American vector of foreign policy. During his stay in power, the large-scale consolidation of joint efforts in the alliance with the United States was significantly strengthened, and simultaneously, Japan's role in it grew significantly. At the same time, none of the previous prime ministers adopted so many normative documents in the field of real strengthening of national security. Improved crisis response mechanisms in Japan and its experience in operations abroad contributed to the fact that the country was gradually approaching the status of an equal ally of the United States.

In Japan-China relations, in contrast, there was a deterioration. The PRC's dissatisfaction with Koizumi's policy was caused by his one-sided orientation to strengthening the Japan-US alliance, as well as the Prime Minister's attempts to revive the tradition of honoring the memory of fallen soldiers (“spirits of heroes”) for the Emperor and the Japanese state during 1858-1945, in which the Chinese authorities saw disrespect for the national feelings of the Chinese people (“war of nerves”). The official line of the PRC was aimed at condemning such a policy of D. Koizumi and limiting intergovernmental contacts. Scandals also regularly broke out around Japanese textbooks on national history, which were not perceived in China. Therefore, during Koizumi's premiership, there was no rapprochement between the parties in the assessment of the historical past, which ultimately harmed both countries.

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