The U.S.-European coordination for assisting Ukraine, reviving the alliance and protecting European values

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Petro Mohyla Black Sea National University, Mykolaiv, Ukraine

The U.S.-European coordination for assisting Ukraine, reviving the alliance and protecting European values

Yuriy Kotlyar

Dr. habil. (History), Professor

Marharyta Lymar

Ph. D. (Political Sciences)

Viktoriia Ahieieva-Karkashadze

Ph. D. (Philology)

Abstract

The purpose of the article is to research a new stage of improving the coordination of efforts and deepening U.S.-European cooperation aimed at further strengthening transatlantic security and supporting Ukraine in the struggle for its sovereignty. The current study considers the grounds and escalation of the current Russian aggression against Ukraine; the impact of the undeclared war against Ukraine on the United States and the European community; American and European support to Ukraine, including military assistance; reasons and steps to renew the transatlantic alliance; the struggle of Ukraine for its independence and sovereignty as well as the protection of Europe and its democratic values.

The methodological basis of the study is a set of general and special research methods. The system method made it possible to consider the renewal of the transatlantic alliance and the strengthening of coordination between the United States and European countries as a systemic process. In particular, the strengthening of American-European cooperation is considered as a response to the Russian-Ukrainian policy since 2014 and the escalation of armed aggression against Ukraine that is a unique state of the European geopolitical space and a powerful champion of European and universal values. Also, improving coordination between transatlantic partners is studied through the prism of comprehensive assistance to Ukraine in its struggle for sovereignty. Moreover, the prospects of strengthening mutual coordination in the transatlantic space are considered in the institutional and legal planes. The comparative method helped to analyze the volume and effectiveness of aid to Ukraine from the United States and European countries and to consider the dynamics of the renewal of the transatlantic partnership. The objective research was based on statistical methods and event data analysis, which made it possible to consider how current events in Ukraine affected the international political situation. Finally, the historical method was applied to investigate the cause-and-effect relationships of events, as well as to determine the role of Ukraine in European civilizational processes. With the help of the historical method, it has been proved that during centuries Ukraine was, is, and remains the most important structural link of European civilization.

The scientific novelty consists in an attempt to comprehensively study the ongoing cooperation between the United States and European countries under the influence of the escalation of Russia's armed aggression against Ukraine. This issue is considered through the prospect of Ukraine's unique historical role in the defense of European civilization and general democratic values. The authors conclude that it was the armed aggression against Ukraine that contributed to the renewal of the transatlantic partnership. Currently, the United States and European partners have coordinated their efforts around assisting Ukraine and finding effective ways to restructure the transatlantic security system. It becomes obvious that Ukraine is a historically unique state on the territory of Europe, and its victory in the struggle for its sovereignty is a guarantee of a peaceful and safe future of the entire transatlantic space.

Key words: United States; Europe; NATO; Ukraine; defense; assistance; Russian aggression; undeclared war.

Юрій Котляр, доктор історичних наук, професор

Маргарита Лимар, кандидат політичних наук

Вікторія Агєєва-Каркашадзе, кандидат філологічних наук

Чорноморський національний університет імені Петра Могили, м. Миколаїв, Україна

Координація дій США та Європи щодо підтримки України, оновлення альянсу та захисту європейських цінностей

Анотація

transatlantic security european community

Метою статті є дослідження нового етапу співробітництва між Сполученими Штатами Америки та країнами Європи, спрямованого на подальше зміцнення трансатлантичної безпеки та підтримку України в боротьбі за свій суверенітет. У даному дослідженні розглядаються передумови та ескалація сучасної російської агресії проти України; вплив неоголошеної російсько-української війни на США та європейську спільноту; американсько-європейська підтримка України, в тому числі військова; причини та кроки до оновлення трансатлантичного альянсу; боротьба України за свою незалежність і суверенітет, а також захист Європи та її демократичних цінностей.

Методологічною основою статті є сукупність загальних і спеціальних методів дослідження. Системний метод дозволив розглядати оновлення трансатлантичного альянсу та покращення координації дій США та країн Європи як системний процес. Зокрема, посилення американсько-європейської співпраці розглядається як відповідь на російсько-українську політику з 2014 року та ескалацію збройної агресії проти України - тобто, держави, яка є унікальною частиною європейського геополітичного простору та потужним поборником європейських і загальнолюдських цінностей. Також, покращення координації між трансатлантичними партнерами вивчається крізь призму всеохоплюючої допомоги Україні у її боротьбі за суверенність. Окрім того, перспективи посилення співробітництва на трансатлантичному просторі розглядається в інституційній та правовій площинах. Порівняльний метод допоміг співставити обсяги та ефективність допомоги Україні з боку США та країн Європи та розглянути динаміку оновлення трансатлантичного партнерства. В основу об'єктивного дослідження було покладено статистичні методи та аналіз подієвих даних, який дозволив розглянути як поточні події в Україні вплинули на міжнародну політичну ситуацію. За допомогою історичного методу доведено, що протягом століть Україна була, є і залишається найважливішою структурною ланкою Європейської цивілізації.

Наукова новизна полягає у спробі комплексного дослідження поточної співпраці Сполучених Штатів та країн Європи під впливом ескалації збройної агресії Росії проти України. Це питання розглядається крізь призму унікальної історичної ролі України у захисті європейської цивілізації та загальнодемократичних цінностей.

Автори доходять висновків, що саме збройна агресія проти України сприяла оновленню трансатлантичного партнерства. Наразі, США та країни Європи скоординували свої зусилля довкола допомоги Україні та пошуку ефективних шляхів реструктуризації системи трансатлантичної безпеки. Стає очевидним, що Україна є історично унікальною державою на теренах Європи, а її перемога у боротьбі за суверенність - запорукою мирного та безпечного майбутнього усього трансатлантичного простору.

Ключові слова: Сполучені Штати; Європа; НАТО; Україна; оборона; допомога; російська агресія; неоголошена війна.

Problem statement

Russian military aggression against Ukraine (de-facto, the fullscale war that is recognized by the international community) aimed at occupying parts of its territory started not on 24 February 2022. The military invasion we observe today is a well-planned act formed years ago. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine (MFA) singles out the number of facts that prove that the current aggression was planned in advance. The first fact is the seizing Crimean Peninsula, and the recognition of the dissociation of the pro-Russian President of Ukraine Viktor Yanukovych from fulfillment of his constitutional powers as unconstitutional coup. In fact, Crimean Peninsula was seized on 20 February 2014 and the president of Ukraine was dissociated on 22 February 2014 after his fleeing from Kyiv at the result of Revolution of Dignity. The second fact is the attempt of Kremlin to create the project (quasi-state) «Novorossiya» in eastern and southern parts of Ukraine in order to destabilize the internal political state in the country. As a result, Russian regular troops managed to occupy certain areas of Donetsk and Luhansk regions of Ukraine. Fact number three states that during the years Kremlin applied the methods of hybrid de-facto warfare against Ukraine, using such methods as propaganda based on falsifications, pressure (both economic and trade), cyber-attacks, energy blockades etc. The next fact is that Russian aggression against Ukraine led to dire humanitarian impacts. About 1,584,000 people, during 2014-2019, lost their homes and became internally displaced. Fact number five was a continuous violation of Minsk agreements. The sixth fact is constant neglecting of fundamental norms and principles of international law, the number of bilateral and multilateral agreements: UN Charter (1945); Helsinki Final Act (1975); Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States in accordance with the UN Charter (1970); UN GA Resolution 3314 «Definition of Aggression» (1974); Declaration on the Inadmissibility of Intervention in the Domestic Affairs of States and the Protection of Their Independence and Sovereignty (1965); Declaration on the Inadmissibility of Intervention and Interference in the Internal Affairs of States (1981); Declaration on the Enhancement of the Effectiveness of the Principle of Refraining from the Threat or Use of Force in International Relations (1987); Budapest Memorandum on Security Assurances related to the Ukraine's accession to the NonProliferation Treaty (1994); Agreement on Friendship, Cooperation and Partnership between Ukraine and the Russian Federation (1997); Agreement between Ukraine and the Russian Federation on the Ukrainian-Russian state border (2003). Moreover, Kremlin used to inflow Russian troops and weaponry (fact number seven), and violated territorial integrity of neighboring countries (Moldova and Georgia) (fact number eight) [17]. An additional argument in favor of advance planning for the invasion can be the fact that on the eve of the deployment of hostilities, the Russian president gathered more than 130,000 troops in the areas along the borders of Ukraine, declaring to the international community that they had only training purposes [32].

In addition to the above, two more points regarding the Russian invasion of Ukraine were highlighted. Despite the fact that they were mentioned back in 2019, the current situation confirms their relevance, given the strengthening of the U.S.-European relationship since the beginning of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine. According to the MFA, Russian aggression against Ukraine can be stopped only by the courage of Ukrainian soldiers and joint political-diplomatic efforts of the international community. And, finally, the ultimate success depends on the stepping up pressure on Kremlin that continued the military aggression against Ukraine in 2022, but did not expect that the U.S. and the countries of Europe, especially neighboring to Ukraine states, would assist Ukraine in its struggle for independence, and that this undeclared war against Ukraine would have consequences not only in struggling countries but in the whole world.

Analysis of Research and Publications

The question of Russian military aggression against Ukraine still occupies the first lines in world mass-media in spite of the fact that Ukraine struggles for its independence and state borders for more than six months. Analysis of the latest researches and publications into this problem demonstrates that Russian invasion of Ukraine is the signal for the United States and the European Union to join their powers and to assist Ukraine in this fight. Preparing this article, the authors studied documents, analytical reports and expert articles published on the official (governmental) websites of Ukraine, the USA, the EU, the Council of Europe, and NATO, devoted to the issues of European security, assistance to Ukraine, joint resistance to the Russian threat, and the protection of European and universal values. Among others, expert assessments regarding the situation in the European region and forecasts of such American and European scientists and analysts as Archick, Mix [6]; Arabia, Bowen, Welt [5]; Binnendijk, Hamilton, Vershbow [10]; Garamone [18]; Kochis, Spoehr [20]; Emerson, Irrera, Minakov, Sohlman [25]; Pszczel [26]; Taylor [30]; Tenzer [31] are explored. The studies of Ukrainian researchers Lymar, Ahieieva-Karkashadze, Tykhonenko are dedicated to the European defense system and transatlantic cooperation [22], and American security assistance to Ukraine since the beginning of the undeclared war [23]. The unique historical role of Ukraine in protecting European civilization and European democratic values is substantiated in the studies of the Ukrainian historian Kotlyar [1-3].

Novelty of Research

Given the Russian full-scale invasion of Ukraine, this article as an attempt of comprehensive study of the United States and European coordination and cooperation impacted by the Russian undeclared war against Ukraine. This issue is considered through the prism of Ukraine's unique historical role in the protection of European civilization and universal democratic values. Authors focus on reviewing American and European sources, including news, statements, and analytical reports (mostly published during Spring and Summer 2022).

Primary purpose is to study the new stage of strengthening cooperation between the United States and European countries in order to support Ukraine in its fight for sovereignty and to improve the system of transatlantic security. Research tasks are the following: to discuss the background of the current Russian aggression against Ukraine, its escalation and influence on the United States and European community; to study the American and European support to Ukraine; to examine the reasons and ways of the transatlantic alliance renovation; and to consider the Ukrainian fight for its independence and sovereignty as a protection of Europe and its democratic values.

The main text of the article

As it was mentioned before, Russian's undeclared war against Ukraine started in 2014. In addition to condemning Russia's criminal actions regarding the annexation of Crimea and support for separatists in eastern Ukraine, the international community called on Russia to cease fire, and provided financial assistance to strengthen Ukraine's political transformation and economy. Moreover, after the annexation of Crimea in March 2014, the United States and the EU adopted a number of visas bans and asset freezes for several dozen Russian and Ukrainian individuals and legal entities. Unfortunately, the excessive dependence of European partners on Russian energy resources has forced them to partially reconsider their policy and relax the pressure on Russia, being afraid of provoking its more unpredictable and threatening actions. In fact, protecting their own national interests, Europeans tried to pursue a moderate policy in order to avoid a direct conflict with Russia. Unlike indecisive European politicians, the U.S. officials expressed firmer convictions about the need to increase pressure on the aggressor country. Tougher sanctions could be applied in case of closer cooperation with EU countries. However, in the absence of parallel EU actions, President Barack Obama announced U.S. sanctions against only certain Russian financial, energy and defense companies on 16 July 2014 [6].

EU countries showed greater solidarity with the United States after the downing of Malaysian Airlines Flight MH 17 over eastern Ukraine on 17 July 2014, when 298 people (mostly EU citizens) were killed. The U.S. intelligence claims that MH 17 was shot down by separatists with a Russian-supplied missile. U.S. and EU leaders called for a full investigation and reiterated that Russia must end the flow of arms and other aid to the separatists. Russia's long-term intransigence gave rise to a greater will of the EU to introduce tougher sanctions that was done.

Russian invasion of Ukraine, the U.S. and European reaction, and rethinking regional priorities. In fact, the coordination of transatlantic partners and their support for Ukraine turned out to be insufficient, given the fact that Russian aggression obtained its clear outlines, when Russia sneakily attacked the territory of Ukraine on the night of 2324 February 2022 [3]. Such actions of Russian to Ukraine paid greater anxiety of the United States and European leaders, especially, members of the Council of Europe and made them take certain actions as they admitted the act of unjustified and unprovoked aggression against Ukraine. On 25 February 2022 the Council of Europe quickly gave its reaction to the flagrant violation of international law and its Statute. The same day the Committee of Ministers decided to suspend the Russian from the Council of Europe in accordance with Article 8 of the Statute. On 1 and 4 March 2022 the European Court of Human Rights operating Rule 39 of its Rules that focused on respect and guarantee of the right to life and other human rights enshrined in the European Convention indicated interim measures to the Russian.

The Council of Europe also made an attempt to call on the Russian authorities to comply with the principles and values of democracy, human rights and the rule of law on its own soil. On 15 March 2022 leaders of the Council of Europe initiated the procedure of expulsion of the Russian from the Council of Europe finishing its membership after 25 years [35]. It is also indicative that on 23 June 2022, European partners approved the official candidacy of Ukraine and the Republic of Moldova for EU membership, which became a clear manifestation of support and recognition of the fact that Ukraine is really fighting not only for its freedom, but also for the future of the whole Europe and its democratic values [7, p. 3].

In its turn, President Joseph Biden on behalf of the United States, which Congress traditionally supports EU enlargement, also expressed readiness to oppose the current Russian aggression, declaring that «Putin is the aggressor. Putin chose this war. And now he and his country will bear the consequences» [12]. Later, on the 100^th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between the three Baltic countries and the United States, President Biden expressed support for Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania in the face of the threat from Russia. «It affirmed the “universally known” policy of the United States - that we believe in sovereignty, self-determination and territorial integrity, and that we oppose predatory actions carried out by threats or force», the U.S. president asserted [8]. The United States has once again confirmed its readiness to protect European and universal values, including the sovereignty and territorial integrity of independent countries, the champion of which is Ukraine today.

From its first days, the Russian invasion of Ukraine has made the certain impact on Europe [25]. Daniela Irrera, Professor of Political Violence and Terrorism at the OSCE Academy, states European countries are focusing on the possibility of immediate military escalation. Now, Europe has changed its attitude to the question of security and defense because of the Russian aggression in Ukraine. Irrera also mentions about instability in the global system. This aggression has also reminded the EU that energy suppliers are in the world where democracy is not the key political mode, and where the security culture is associated only with self-defense and militarism. In this regard, it is necessary to reshape European and global energy and gas interrelations. Now, Europe will face the challenge, - social, political and economic costs, - and it must be ready to this [25].

The issue of energy and, consequently, climate policy became more relevant as hostilities unfolded on the territory of Ukraine, and the question of choosing between material comfort for Europeans and the further protection of their democratic values, including the freedom and independence of their own countries, was raised. The Russian undeclared war against Ukraine has become an incentive for most EU countries to resolutely review energy relations with Russia and strengthen cooperation with the United States, given the fact that it is Russia's income from the sale of energy resources that largely ensures its ability to continue aggression in Ukraine. At the same time, reducing the EU's energy dependence on Russia may slow down progress in phasing out coal production in some EU countries. Understanding this dilemma and adhering to the outlined foreign policy course, in March 2022, President Biden expressed his readiness to work with «international partners» to increase supplies of liquefied natural gas (LNG) to the EU in order to reduce the EU's dependence on Russian gas already this year. Moreover, the United States is ready to provide additional annual LNG supplies until 2030. No less important is the perspective of Europe's cooperation with the United States, regarding its energy diversification. Support for the European Green Deal (2020) will contribute not only to the fight against climate change, but also to U.S.-European cooperation in the field of clean energy technologies and renewable energy sources [7]. This can bring the transatlantic partnership to a new level, more beneficial not only to European countries, but also to the United States.

Europe's slowly waning dependence on Russian energy resources did not prevent Europe from banning the import of Russian coal, strengthening sanctions, disconnecting ten leading Russian financial institutions from SWIFT, introducing a number of other financial restrictions, and at the same time continuing to provide comprehensive support to Ukraine [7]. From February to October 2022, the EU adopted 8 packages of sanctions in response to the Russian invasion of Ukraine [15].

Michael Emerson, Associate Senior Research Fellow at the Centre for European Policy Studies, states that as of May 2022 the EU has already funded €1.45 billion in military supplies by its member states. European countries welcomed more than four million refugees from Ukraine in the first months of the full-scale Russian invasion. That even caused the voices that it was a form of positive discrimination compared to the treatment of refugees from Africa and Asia, as most Ukrainian refugees were on the territory of Europe without legal formalities getting income maintenance, access to public education, social services and healthcare [25].

Emerson's opinion is quite appropriate. However, it must be emphasized the exceptional role of Ukrainians in the defense not only of their own country, but also the territory of Western Europe [21]. Sharing a common historical and cultural heritage with European nations, Ukraine boldly stands for the protection of European values, including the ideological unity of the European region, the protection of the natural right of peoples to safe development, and the sovereignty and indivisibility of the countries formed by them within the borders defined by the international legal order. According to Ukrainian historian Yuriy Kotlyar, it also happens due to the historical role of Ukraine, whose territory is essentially a geological and geopolitical shield of European civilization, which has been defending it from destruction by the Pechenegs, Torks, Polovtsians, Mongol- Tatars, Ottomans, Bolsheviks and by «the Moscow Horde» [2]. In fact, the Ukrainian Shield (The Ukrainian Shield (or Ukrainian Crystalline Massif) is a blocky uplift of the crystalline foundation of the East European Platform, which extends within Ukraine along the middle course of the Dnipro in a strip more than 1,000 km long and about 250 km wide. This is the oldest Precambrian structure, which was formed more than 3.6 billion years ago) in the historical context was the shield that protected European civilization from the eastern hordes and enabled it to develop relatively peacefully. Currently, Ukrainian soldiers are heroically defending not only their country, but also the future of all of Europe, rallying the transatlantic community around them. Thus, we can claim that assistance of Europe to Ukraine today is not just indisputable, but also absolutely justified.

Karen Donfried, Assistant Secretary of State for European and Eurasian Affairs (the U.S. Department of State) stresses that Ukraine's struggle for its independence and unity has become a factor in uniting Europe and the entire international community, which resolutely rise «defending the rules-based international order that has brought unprecedented peace and prosperity not only to Europe, but to the world» [32] In this way, the peoples of Europe not only demonstrate to the whole world the power of their ideals, protecting the innocent victims of Russian armed aggression, but also show their readiness to stand for common security.

The United States and European partners assist Ukraine. As it was highlighted above, Russia's aggression against Ukraine contributed to greater coordination between the EU and the United States [4]. We can observe the alliance between these two parties, and this alliance is working in the context of strengthening transatlantic relations generally [11] and in the terms of supporting Ukraine particularly from the first months. According to the Pew Center research, in mid-March 2022, a third of surveyed Americans rated aid to Ukraine as quite significant, while a larger share (42%) even spoke in favor of its increase that indicates the wide assistance of Ukrainians from the American people [27].

After strong statements in support of Ukraine, the transatlantic partners began to act in a more coordinated manner. Actually, it was the answer to the suffering of Ukraine that made «a moral challenge to Europe and the world» [26]. On 24 March 2022, President Biden and President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, jointly declared their readiness to make maximum efforts to gather evidence regarding war crimes of Russian invaders, since there should be accountability for any of them, committed in Ukraine. Moreover, they outlined a number of the following joint actions to support Ukrainians and to ensure Russia's responsibility for unjustified and illegal actions towards Ukraine: 1) strengthening sanctions regimes, together with like-minded partners across the world; 2) coordinating significant humanitarian relief (including more than additional $1 billion from the United States (for that moment, the USA had already provided the nearly $300 million to support people within Ukraine) and €550 million from the EU); 3) ensuring efforts on temporary protection and humanitarian admission, including resettlement or transfers; 4) implementing actions to maintain democratic resilience and defend human rights; 5) supporting the work of war crimes documentation experts; 6) strengthening transatlantic energy cooperation; 7) preventing a potential food crisis; 8) advancing multilateral cooperation on cyber security (e.g., supporting the Government of Ukraine on cyber resilience) [19].

As it can be seen, the only aspect of cooperation that did not become the subject of deep discussion was direct military assistance to Ukraine, which could mean the de-facto participation of partners in the armed conflict as co-combatants with all possible consequences [23, p. 22]. It must be admitted that on this matter the countries of Western Europe generally maintain a more moderate position than the United States, hoping to end the full-scale Russian aggression by the means of negotiations. In contrast to Europe, the United States acts more decisively and confidently. In particular, the manifestation of such a position is the «Ukraine Democracy Defense Lend-Lease Act of 2022» signed into law by President Biden on 9 May 2022 [34].

Despite the fact that the United States was primary in no hurry to directly intervene in the hostilities and to involve NATO forces, in mid-June 2022, President Biden spoke on behalf of the United States and NATO allies, who are more decisive about military support for Ukraine, regarding further financial and armed assistance to Ukraine, including «more long-range artillery, anti-ship missile launchers and more rounds for howitzers and for a sophisticated American rocket system» [13]. In fact, U.S. officials, political scientists and researchers are well aware that much is at stake for the U.S. and Europe in Ukraine [20]. Taking the hesitancy of some European actors, the United States exerts moderate pressure, aware of the fact that only coordinated actions of international partners and multilateral external efforts can help Ukraine to speed up the victory, which will be both a victory for the United States and a triumph of European values.

The fulfilment of the tasks, set in the joint statement of President Biden and President of the European Commission von der Leyen, was reflected in further coordination between the United States and European countries. Particularly, in May 2022 the partners took a course to strengthen supply chain resilience in the field of modern technologies. It is expected to increase the security of the transatlantic market and to support Kyiv by identifying measures that will expand trade in Ukraine and investment in the country [14]. Also, the EU, the United States and the United Kingdom announced on 25 May 2022 the creation of the Advisory Group on Atrocious Crimes that, in close cooperation with the War Crimes Units of the Office of the Prosecutor General of Ukraine, will increase the chances of a quick and the inevitable prosecution of «all those responsible for the terrible atrocities committed during the unprovoked Russian military aggression in Ukraine» [33]. Against the background of the mentioned assistance, President Biden once again made a statement about unequivocal support for sovereign and independent Ukraine, whose well-being is important for the United States, Europe and NATO [30]. His claims were reinforced by the unprecedented U.S. defense assistance, which generally amounted $4 billion during 25 February - 1 June 2022 [23, p. 21], and $3.75 billion during 15 June - 19 August 2022 [5, p. 1] that was the following:

Presidential Drawdowns for Ukraine, FY2021-FY2022

Another unprecedented step was the U.S. support with $2.98 billion for training and equipping the Ukrainian armed forces, which was symbolically announced on the 31^st anniversary of Ukraine's independence, on 24 August 2022 [18]. Later, on 28 September 2022, the Department of Defense announced approximately $1.1 billion in additional security assistance to Ukraine under the Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative (USAI) [9]. The new USAI package underscores the readiness of the United States to continue providing long term aid to Ukraine. It represents a multi-year investment in critical potential for strengthening the Armed Forces of Ukraine on order to resist Russian aggression.

As of early September 2022, the United States has transferred over 1,400 Stinger anti-aircraft systems to Ukraine for defense purposes; 8,500 Javelin anti-armor systems; 32,000 other anti-armor systems; HIMARS and NASAMS with munitions; 20 Mi-17 helicopters; and about forty other types of various weapons, systems, techniques and equipment [16]. Until the end of August 2022, the official position of the United States was the readiness to provide improved HIMARS systems, but without the longest-range rockets. The condition for receiving them was that Ukraine would not attack the territory of Russia. However, taking into account the escalation of Russian armed aggression in September-October 2022 and regular shelling of the territory of Ukraine with Russian missiles, the multilateral military support can be significantly increased, making heavier and longer-range weapons available to Ukraine.

Revival of the U.S.-European alliance. Russia's armed aggression against Ukraine became «a war against the West too» [31]. Russia did more than invaded the territory of Ukraine - it was lying to other countries and institutions, including NATO and the OSCE, flouting basic European values, human rights and the UN Charter [26]. Immediately after the start of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, President Biden authorized the deployment of U.S. troops to Germany and announced that NATO allies would convene a summit on 25 February to chart «the next steps» [12]. Russian military aggression against Ukraine contributed to an increase in the level of coordination between transatlantic partners, in particular within NATO that was reflected in the readiness of the United States to defend its NATO allies if Russia advanced beyond Ukraine.

The current situation in Europe made NATO reconfirm its core mission - to provide collective regional defense. Thus, the centrality of the United States that plays the role of security underwriter of Europe is clearly outlined in spite of recent European debates on the question of strategic autonomy. As noted by experts on transatlantic relations, the Russian invasion of Ukraine forced Europe to reconsider its security options in light of the renewal of relations with the United States [10]. Thus, the formation of an independent security system that seemed to be a priority for many years is giving way to the strengthening of cooperation with the United States, which is once again assuming the role of a leader in security and defense issues in the transatlantic space [22]. At the same time, Europe will no longer be able to shift most of the responsibility for solving common defense issues to the United States, as it did years before.

At the end of June 2022, during the meeting on transatlantic cooperation it was clearly defined that, along with helping Ukraine, the Allies should focus on strengthening their security from the inside, by meeting the following challenges: 1) to ensure Europe's ability to defend itself against Russia and cope with a number of additional crises, in particular, along its southern periphery; 2) to address European aspirations for greater strategic autonomy; 3) to maintain confidence that the United States can adequately fulfill its obligations both in the North Atlantic and in the Indo-Pacific region [10]. The addressing of the third task is possible only if Europe is strengthened to invest equally with the United States in transatlantic security.

The determination to strengthen the alliance was confirmed during the NATO Summit in Madrid on 29-30 June 2022, when the United States announced its military reinforcement across the Europe and the further «NATOisation of Europe» [29]. At the opening of the Summit, Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg emphasized that the North Atlantic Alliance «will invite Finland and Sweden to join NATO» (Finland and Sweden simultaneously handed their official letters of application to join NATO over to NATO Secretary General on 18 May 2022). It «demonstrates that NATO's door is open» and «President Putin is getting more NATO» [29]. In the adopted Declaration, the allies firmly stated that the Summit marks «a milestone» in strengthening their alliance and «accelerating its adaptation»; also, they «condemn Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine in the strongest possible terms» [24]. In addition, the new Strategic Concept is agreed. It includes such areas of work as «deterrence and defense; crisis prevention and management; and cooperative security». Among other things, NATO countries are going to create a Defense Innovation Accelerator and to launch a multinational Innovation Fund for uninterrupted supply of the next generation Airborne Warning & Control System and related capabilities.

The 2022 NATO Summit in Madrid became a new starting point for not only strengthening the transatlantic cooperation, but assisting Ukraine as well. Having witnessed the brave, determined and self-sacrificing resistance of the Ukrainian people against external military aggression, the transatlantic partners are inspired by the reality of victory over the state that until recently was considered one of the strongest in the world. NATO members announced that they will support Ukraine with non-lethal weapons, contribute to the defense of its integrity and sovereignty and, no less important, make «efforts on its path of post-war reconstruction and reforms» [24]. Allies agreed to strengthen the Comprehensive Assistance Package (CAP), which includes support in many areas, including secure communications, cyber defense and resilience, fuel, medical supplies, body armor, equipment to counter mines and chemical and biological threats, as well as portable warfare systems with drones [28].

The CAP is also purposed at strengthening and modernization of defense and security institutions of Ukraine. In the future, Ukraine will be able to receive modern NATO equipment. Such intentions are significant addition to financial and humanitarian support. The members of NATO expressed their determination to help Ukraine as long as necessary for victory.

Currently, NATO is considering Ukraine's application for accelerated accession to the North Atlantic Alliance after the September events, marked by the successful start of the de-occupation of Ukrainian territories and the resent Russia's annexation Donetsk and Luhansk Oblasts, and the parts of Zaporizhzhia and Kherson regions. The decision on this issue can become fateful for Europe, since greater unity of transatlantic partners and Ukraine's accession to NATO will contribute to the acceleration of the victory and the reconstruction of the international order. Considering historical analogies highlighted by Professor Kotlyar, the international community has very real chances to stop Russia from the inside, since the victory of Ukraine can lead to a revolutionary situation in Russia, as well as to the third stage of its disintegration [1].

Conclusions

Looking ahead, the United States and Europe should seek opportunities to attract private capital to help addressing the enormous potential challenge and opportunity of rebuilding Ukraine. According to American researchers from the Heritage Foundation, the Three Seas Initiative (3SI) is one of the tools that can become the basis for the reconstruction of Ukraine. However, before Ukraine begins its long road to recovery, it must endure and win that can only be ensured through the comprehensive support of the United States, the EU, and NATO [20].

It is a well-known fact that the transatlantic relationship between Europe and the United States lived through several years of concern because of their slow and long-term drifting apart. Today, the transatlantic community became more united in purpose, because of Russian military invasion of Ukraine. Despite a certain dissonance in the actions of the United States and European allies, which can be observed even now, this situation seems to give a new lease on life for the transatlantic alliance.

The unity of the parties is observed primarily in the question of security. Transatlantic partners are looking for mutually convenient and acceptable ways to support Ukraine and protect their national interests. At the same time, they are increasingly convinced that a peaceful and safe future of Europe is impossible without Ukraine, its victory in the struggle for such European values as freedom, equality, the right to self-determination, after all, the right to a safe life, cultural development, respecting historical roots and cultural heritage.

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