"Soft power" as an important factor in Turkey’s foreign policy

Determining the place and role of Turkey in international relations in the Mediterranean region. Disclosure of hard and delicate aspects of Turkey’s "soft power" policy from a scientific and theoretical point of view, and from concrete facts and events.

Рубрика Международные отношения и мировая экономика
Вид статья
Язык английский
Дата добавления 22.01.2023
Размер файла 41,9 K

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Baku State University

“SOFT POWER” AS AN IMPORTANT FACTOR IN TURKEY'S FOREIGN POLICY

Nazrin Famil Chiragli, Postgraduate Student

“Refusal to use force in the settlement of interstate disputes and conflicts”, one of the basic principles of modern international relations, is enshrined in the UN Charter and the principles of the OSCE Declaration. However, in our world, full of local conflicts and wars, the use of various forms of “power” is a reality today. In today's multipolar world and information societies, a number of classic tools and instruments used by states in foreign policy are being replaced by new ones, among which new “forces” are emerging as an alternative to “hard power” and the “new power” that has gained considerable popularity political scientists call it “soft power”.

The use of various forms of force in international relations, foreign policy and diplomacy is not new. Throughout the history of mankind, various forms of power have played and continue to play an important role in the regulation of interstate relations. Numerous researches and annotations on classical and modern forms of power are being conducted in modern scientific and political thought. The “soft power”, which has been extensively researched among modern forms of power and has not yet been replaced by any new power, gained citizenship in various languages after the well-known events of the 1990s.

This concept was first introduced to the scientific community in 1990 by J. Nye, a scientist at Harvard University. According to the author, power, which is a tool for realizing the political interests and goals of the state, has acquired such values as “soft power”, which depends on the level of democracy, culture and attractiveness in the state using that power [8, 27]. It is these features that have made “soft power” a permanent feature of international relations.

Soft power is manifested when any state that attaches practical importance to this power is able to make its political values, culture, and foreign policy attractive to another state, that is, to create a situation based on voluntariness without resorting to coercion, reward, or persuasion, that the situation excludes any risk by arousing respect and envy on the part of the other party. Such a situation does not allow for “hard power” and eliminates conflicts of interest, but the modern chaotic nature of international relations makes the rule based on “soft power” very fragile.

Since the 1990s, in the Middle East region, where various forms of power have clashed, both regional and nonregional actors have pursued policies that rely more on “hard power”, which has exacerbated tensions and deepened chaos. At a time when actors such as the United States, Russia and China, which represent the major powers in the region, are facing each other, the Republic of Turkey was the first to turn from “hard power” to “soft power”. Such a shift in Turkey's foreign policy has begun to manifest itself in Turkey's use of subtle diplomacy to resolve ethnic, social and political conflicts that are a source of danger in the face of intense confrontation in the region. It should be noted that just as the northern and southern directions of Turkey's foreign policy are different, the western and eastern directions also have special features, and the priorities need special attention and analysis.

Under the influence of international events since the beginning of the 21st century, fundamental changes have taken place in the domestic life and foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey, primarily due to the activities of the Turkish Justice and Development Party (AKP), which came to power on November 3, 2002. The AKP, founded by former members R. Erdogan and their supporters A. Gul, A. Davutoglu and B. Yildirim on August 14, 2001, shortly after the dissolution of the Virtue Party at the beginning of the century, quickly gained the attention and support of Turkish socio-political thought with its socio-political reform program [4]. Turkey, which used to be neutral and inactive in the Middle East and the world, has become more active in domestic and foreign policy, signing decisions and actions that do not agree with its Western allies, and pursuing a policy of harmonizing “values and interests” is one of the important signs of the fundamental changes we have noted.

Describing the nearly two decades of the AKP's rule, political scientist A. Mammadli, one of the Azerbaijani authors, noted that Turkey has become an equal partner of world leaders such as the United States, the European Union, Russia and China [5], both in its relations with the United States and in the “hard / soft power” paradigm. The complex structure and configuration of the regions that Turkey considers a priority, the global interests of global powers in the regions, the conflict zones formed against the background of ethnic and inter-civilizational conflicts and intentions, as well as Turkey's belonging to several regions were important in defining its interests and opportunities.

The paradigm shift in Turkey's foreign policy during the Justice and Development Party's rule reflected its claims to change from a regional power to a global power, with fundamental changes in the Middle East since then, including the events of September 11, 2001. Turkey's “tough power” showed itself in the process. Thus, in February 2003, on the eve of the military intervention in Iraq, the United States offered Turkey $ 6 billion for the use of its territory, but Islamic calls in the region forced Turkey to abandon it, and the United States, seeing Turkey's tough face for the first time, had to agree [7, 23]. As for the reasons for such an attitude, the US intervention in Iraq could threaten Turkey's national and regional security, raise the idea of establishing a Kurdish state, challenge separatism in Turkey, and provoke socio-political instability in the country under the guise of protecting Islamic values.

Since the beginning of the millennium, Turkey, like other powers, has been in the geopolitical arena in the Middle East, where “hard power” predominated and “soft power” could only be brought in from outside. Given that geopolitics is a field of science that studies political and spatial factors in the context of mutual relations, it is possible to reveal the essence of Turkey's manifestation as a geopolitical power. The US government, which is implementing a “Greater Middle East project” in the Middle East, did not expect Turkey to face “tough power.” Assessing the relationship between power and purpose objectively, the Turkish government sought to secure the country's interests between 1991 and 2003 by displaying “soft power”. Given that geopolitics serves the state's security and development strategy over geography, the importance that Turkey attaches to “soft power” in this period becomes clear. According to one of the Turkish authors, A. Sandikli, geopolitics and geostrategic position are closely related and reflect the influence of the latter state on global strategies and its military significance [7, 9].

In the example of Turkey, the field of “soft power” begins at the crossroads of three continents - Europe, Asia and Africa, and covers a significant part of the Balkans, the Middle East and the Caucasus. Speaking from such a position, Abbasbayli noted that as a result of changes in the geopolitical situation in the world after the collapse of the USSR, Turkey has gained an important position in the Caucasus region. As a result, Turkey gradually became the main stabilizing force in the region [1, 252]. The political analysis of the historical region in which Turkey is located, its location between the Middle East and the Caspian Basin, its location on important sea routes and on the shores of the Mediterranean, i.e. its “naval power” made Turkey influential not only in the region but also in world politics. It was no coincidence that it was during the AKP's rule that Turkey began to pursue its own interests in Middle East and South Caucasus politics, confronting the United States over the events in Syria and the purchase of S-400 missile systems from Russia [2].

In addition to its geopolitical location, economic and political significance, the democratic values, mentality and international image of the state and people, as well as its “soft power” play an important role in the perception of Turkey as a regional power in the modern world. An analysis of the last three decades of international relations shows that there are political and theoretical grounds for Turkey to become one of the central actors in world politics. There are many examples in Turkey of “soft power” repeatedly working under the influence of “hard power”. From this point of view, L. Martin, one of the Western authors, noted that “tectonic changes” that have reshaped international relations since the end of the last century, i.e. the collapse of the USSR, ethnic conflicts in the Balkans and Eurasia, the spread of international terrorism and Islamic fundamentalism, also as a result of globalization and democratization of the world economy, Turkey is gradually becoming a regional geopolitical center of the world. It should be added that Turkey is not only a geopolitical center, but also “doomed” to fulfill this role, because there is no second state that will take this role after the known events in the Middle East. Based on such changes, the author analyzes the events of the first years of the XXI century, the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 in the United States, the global scale of anti-Western terrorism, the US occupation of Iraq, the conflict between NATO and the UN, he noted that such a situation opened up new opportunities for Turkey [12, 3].

In the current situation, there is a serious need for a comprehensive approach and scientific and political analysis of the Republic of Turkey's preference for “soft power” in the paradigm of “hard / soft forces”. Such an approach to the problem is international, political, economic, military, cultural and so on requires an attitude from the positions and a cause-and-effect political analysis. Turkey's location in one of the most important parts of the world with different geographical, climatic and economic characteristics gives it a number of advantages in world politics, which give a number of features to the country's foreign policy strategy. Emphasizing the importance of these features, one of the authors of the book, Y. Јelik, noted that in terms of territory, Turkey's borders in Asia and Europe are bordered by the Middle East, post-Soviet countries and the European Union. This situation makes Turkey one of the important actors in international relations, creating opportunities for action in these areas. The author also characterized the geopolitical importance of Turkey by the following three important factors. First, Turkey was a state of three seas (Black Sea, Mediterranean and Aegean), second, it had a transitional position between Europe and Asia, and finally, third, the right of ownership over the Bosphorus and Dardanelles [10, 1] makes world powers to settle with it. It should be noted that in the last hundred years, no major changes have taken place in the geography of Turkey.

However, despite being a member of the NATO military bloc, the well-known global changes of the 1990s led to the emergence and spread of views on the diminishing role and importance of the Turkish state in world politics. The recent “games” in the Middle East have clearly shown that Turkey's position and importance, which binds the southern flank of NATO's security space, has not only diminished, but even strengthened. Under the circumstances, serious changes were made in Turkey's foreign policy strategy, which at first resembled a “manifestation of soft power”. What is happening in the Middle East, especially Operation Desert Storm in 1991, has put Turkey at the center of events. Turkish President Ozal's joining of sanctions against Iraq and the closure of two pipelines used to transport Iraqi oil through Turkey to Mediterranean ports was a manifestation of “soft power” diplomacy. However, Turkey did not formally join the military coalition fighting Iraq, although it did allow the use of NATO aircraft from Incirlik military base [6]. The Gulf crisis has caused hundreds of thousands of Kurdish refugees to settle on Turkey's borders. These steps taken by Turkey after the end of the Cold War served to further strengthen allied relations with the United States and the NATO bloc. According to one of the researchers, I. Kazan, Turkey's growing interest in different regions and regionalism is due to its desire to present itself as an important regional power. According to the author, “Turkey is located in the Bermuda Triangle between the conflict zones of the Balkans, the Caucasus and the Middle East” [11]. This situation required Turkey to use all methods of force and non-force diplomacy.

Turkey's geographical location, place in the world order, role in international relations, geopolitical position and goals required the effective use of all methods and means of Turkish diplomacy. Mustafa Aydin, one of the Turkish authors, noted that Turkey's location at the crossroads of Europe, Asia and Africa, surrounded by neighbors with different characteristics, regimes, ideologies and goals, was a feature of the country and can be a source of power and threat, depending on the “relative power” factor [9, 23]. In this regard, the Turkish state is forced to form new alliances or join existing alliances, as the neighboring states of Turkey are a great source of danger. Thus, Turkey's security depends on the introduction of a successful and well-balanced foreign policy, which requires the careful and efficient use of hard and soft force. It is no coincidence that maintaining balance in the region is at the heart of Turkey's foreign policy.

Scientific-theoretical and political analysis of the modern period of the Turkish Republic shows that its geopolitical position has a number of advantages and disadvantages, which have a significant impact on the foreign policy of the state. According to M. Aydin, its favorable geographical location has allowed Turkey to participate in world politics to a greater extent than its territory, population and economic power [9, 23], a situation that has repeatedly confronted Turkey with regional and major powers and made the crisis inevitable. On the other hand, as Turkey is located between resource-rich regions and regions in dire need of such resources, this creates great opportunities for its energy supply, and any energy supply project increases Turkey's importance in the international arena. The consequences and threats of geographical location for Turkey include the targeting of Turkey by terrorist groups, organized crime, human trafficking, drug trafficking and illegal migration.

As is known, Russia has a special place in Turkey's “soft power” policy. Acting as important players in the Middle East, the two countries have similar and different interests in political, economic, trade and military cooperation. Just as Turkey is dependent on Russia for energy, Russia is also interested in exporting energy resources to Western markets through Turkey. Turkey annually imports 6.6 million cubic meters of its 47 billion cubic meters of natural gas from Azerbaijan via the Baku-Tbilisi-Erzurum natural gas pipeline. The Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline carries 1.2 million barrels of oil a day to Western markets [3], and Russia has the ability to export the rest of its energy needs through Western Turkey. The situation forces both countries to show “soft power” and flexibility in foreign policy.

The strengthening of the Turkish Republic's influence at the regional level, especially its strategic position in the South Caucasus and Central Asia, was of serious concern not only to Russia, but also to its NATO allies. Such a strengthening of Turkey's position during the AKP's rule made Turkey have a say in the international arena, and the situation made it necessary for it to clash with the United States and Russia sooner or later. At a time when the epicenter of events and processes in the international arena is shifting from the Middle East to Eastern Europe and Ukraine, Turkey's “hard / soft power” policy will make it a leader in the region.

References

1. Abbasbsyli A. Mbasir dbnyanin siyasi msnzsrssi. Baki, 2008. 273 s.

2. Eldar Csfsrov. Mbasir dovrds Turkiys-AB§ mbnasibstlsrinin siyasi tsrsflsri. URL: http://static.bsu.az/w8/Tarix%20ve%20onun% 20problem/2013%20%20%201/seh. 160-166.pdf

3. Enerji icmali - beynslxalq mbnasibstlsrin tshlili / https://aircenter.az/uploads/files/enerji-icmali.pdf

4. 0dalst vs inki^af Partiyasi. URL: https://az.wikipedia.org/wiki/%C6%8Fdal%C9%99t_v%C9%99_%C4%B0nki%C5%9Faf_Partiy

5. 0rdogan partiyasmm 18 ya§i tamam oldu. URL: https://www.musavat.com/news/erdoganin-partiyasinin-18-yasi-tamam-oldu- bakidan-iki-ferqli-baxis_636695.html

6. iraq-Tbrkiys mbnasibstlsri. URL: https://az.wikipedia.org/wiki/%C4%B0raq%E2%80%93T%C3%BCrkiy%C9%99_m%C3% BCnasib%C9%99tl%C9%99ri

7. Sandikli A. Jeopolitik ve Tbrkiye: Riskler ve Firsatlar. Bilge Adamlar Stratejik Ara^tirmalar Merkezi, 2011.

8. Най Дж.С. Гибкая власть. Как добиться успеха в мировой политике / пер. с анг. Новосибирск-Москва: Фонд социо-прог- ностических исследований «Тренды», 2006.

9. Aydin M. Turkish Foreign Policy Framework and Analysis, Ankara: Sam Papers, 2004. 123 p.

10. Јelik Y. Contemporary Turkish Foreign Policy, Wesport, Conn: Praeger, 1999, 203 p.

11. Kazan І. “Regionalisation of Security and Securitisation of a Region: Turkish Security Policy After the Cold War”, Copenhagen: Ph.D dissertation, COPRI, 2002.

12. Martin L. and Keridis, D. The Future of Turkish Foreign Policy.

Резюме

Чираглі Н.Ф. “М'яка сила” як важливий фактор зовнішньої політики Туреччини.

Напередодні 1990-х років розпад СРСР та крах світової соціалістичної системи призвели до докорінних змін у зовнішній політиці Турецької Республіки, а також на міжнародній арені. Зміна балансу сил на міжнародній арені, перетворення США на державу-гегемона та боротьба за енергію та вплив на Близькому Сході, поява тут нових акторів зажадали від Туреччини виходу з пасивної ролі. Але Туреччині потрібен час, щоб стати активним гравцем. Невипадково після приходу до влади на початку тисячоліття Партії справедливості та розвитку та обрання Ердогана президентом Туреччина стала одним із найактивніших акторів міжнародних відносин, а Середземноморський басейн набув важливого значення на користь Туреччини. Аналіз подій та процесів останніх тридцяти років міжнародних відносин показує, що турецька дипломатія, проводячи політику «м'якої сили», вже стала виразником не лише в регіоні, а й на міжнародній арені. У статті розкриваються жорсткі та делікатні аспекти політики «м'якої сили» Туреччини як з науково-теоретичної точки зору, так і з погляду конкретних фактів та подій.

Ключові слова: Туреччина, ПСР, Р. Ердоган, Близький Схід, зовнішня політика, дипломатія, «жорстка/м'яка сила», геополітична конкуренція, «військово-морська міць», енергетичний фактор.

Резюме

Чирагли Н.Ф. «Мягкая сила» как важный фактор внешней политики Турции.

Накануне 1990-х годов распад СССР и крах мировой социалистической системы привели к коренным изменениям во внешней политике Турецкой Республики, а также на международной арене. Изменение баланса сил на международной арене, превращение США в державу-гегемона и борьба за энергию и влияние на Ближнем Востоке, появление здесь новых акторов потребовали от Турции выхода из пассивной роли. Но Турции потребовалось время, чтобы стать активным игроком. Неслучайно после прихода к власти в начале тысячелетия Партии справедливости и развития и избрания Эрдогана президентом Турция стала одним из самых активных акторов международных отношений, а Средиземноморский бассейн приобрел важное значение в интересах Турции. Анализ событий и процессов последних тридцати лет международных отношений показывает, что турецкая дипломатия, проводя политику «мягкой силы», уже стала выразителем не только в регионе, но и на международной арене. В статье раскрываются жесткие и деликатные аспекты политики «мягкой силы» Турции как с научно-теоретической точки зрения, так и с точки зрения конкретных фактов и событий.

Ключевые слова: Турция, ПСР, Р. Эрдоган, Ближний Восток, внешняя политика, дипломатия, «жесткая/мягкая сила», геополитическая конкуренция, «военно-морская мощь», энергетический фактор.

Summary

turkey international soft power

Nazrin Chiragli. “Soft power” as an important factor in Turkey's foreign policy.

On the eve of the 1990s, the collapse of the USSR and the collapse of the world socialist system led to fundamental changes in the foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey, as well as in the international arena. The change in the balance of power in the international arena, the transformation of the United States into a hegemonic power and the struggle for energy and influence in the Middle East, the emergence of new actors here, required Turkey to get out of the passive role. But it took time for Turkey to become an active actor. It is no coincidence that after the Justice and Development Party came to power at the beginning of the millennium and Erdogan was elected president, Turkey became one of the most active actors in international relations, and the Mediterranean became important in Turkey's sphere of interest. An analysis of the events and processes of the last thirty years of international relations shows that Turkish diplomacy, first of all, by pursuing a “soft power” policy, has become a spokesman not only in the region, but also in the international arena. The article reveals the hard and delicate aspects of Turkey's “soft power” policy, both from a scientific and theoretical point of view, and from concrete facts and events.

Key words: Turkey, AKP, R. Erdogan, Middle East, foreign policy, diplomacy, soft power, geopolitical competition, naval power, energy factor.

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