Turkey-USSR relations during the Turgut Ozal administration

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TURKEY-USSR RELATIONS DURING THE TURGUT OZAL ADMINISTRATION

V. Kurban

Ege University

N. Jafarov

Azerbaijan State University of Economics (UNEC)

A.Aslanli

ORCID: 0000-0001-6573-4660

Academy of State Customs Committee of the Republic of Azerbaijan

B.Курбан

Університет Еге

Н. Джафаров

Азербайджанський державний економічний університет (UNEC)

А. Асланлі

Академія Державного митного комітету Азербайджанської Республіки

Відносини між Туреччиною і СРСР в епоху правління президента Тургут Озала

Відносини між Туреччиною і СРСР в епоху правління президента Тургута Озала є останнім етапом взаємодії між двома країнами (1923-1991 рр.). У її розвитку в 1983-1991 рр. особливе місце посідає історичне тло, створене російсько-турецькими відносинами, які почали формуватися з XV ст., і турецько-радянськими відносинами в ХХ ст. У період правління Т. Озала (1983-1991 рр.) міжнародною обстановкою, в якій взаємодіяли Туреччина й СРСР, була система холодної війни (1945-1991 рр.), головною особливістю котрої була конфронтація між Західним і Східним блоками в ідеологічних, політичних, військових та економічних напрямах.

Ключові слова: Турецько-радянські відносини, російсько-турецькі відносини, Туреччина, СРСР, Т. Озал, М. Горбачов.

The relations between Turkey and the USSR during the Turgut Ozal era constitute the last phase of the relations between the two countries (1923-1991). In the development of these relations during the period of 1983-1991, the historical background formed by the Russian-Turkish relations that had started to form from the 15th century and the Turkish-Soviet relations in the 20th century hold a special place. During the period of Ozal (1983-1991), the international environment in which Turkey-USSR relations progressed was the Cold War system. In general sense, the main feature of the Cold War system covering the period from 1945 to 1991 was a struggle between the Western and Eastern blocs which had ideological, political, military and economic aspects.

Keywords: Turkish-Soviet relations, Russian-Turkish relations, Turkey, USSR, Ozal, Gorbachev.

Introduction

“Turkey-USSR relations during the office of Turgut Ozal”, in the narrow sense, form the final stage of the relations between the Republic of Turkey and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) covering the period from 1923 to 1991. In a broader sense, on the other hand, “Turkey-USSR relations during the office of Turgut Ozal” include a part of Turkish-Russian relations which officially started at the end of the 15^th century. These two considerations created a great historical point on which Turkey-USSR relations during Turgut Ozal era partially sat.

In this context, Russian-Turkish relations had officially started 500 years ago back in 1492 (inalcik, 1982). During the Russia-Ottoman period -- a period covering 50 years of war, there were serious conflicts between the two countries on the line extending from the Caucasus to the Balkans. The Ottoman Empire considered the Russian Empire as a country that strived to split the Ottoman Empire and it was in competition and conflict in the Caucasus, the Balkans and the Straits, whereas Russia saw the Ottomans as the country that occupied Tsargrad (Istanbul), the holy city of Orthodoxy, and figured it as “the sick man of Europe”. The two states took part in the opposing sides of the First World War and fought against each other.

At the time when the Bolsheviks came to power in Russia, a new state was founded in Turkey under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, a new relationship started between the parties (Hale, 2012, pp. 35-36).Документы внешней политики СССР [USSR Foreign Policy Documents]. Vol. 2., 1958. Politiceskoy Literaturi.

Moscow. Pp. 724-726. [in Russian]

Документы внешней политики СССР [USSR Foreign Policy Documents]. Vol. 3., 1959. Politiceskoy Literaturi.

Moscow. pp. 392-397, 597-604. [in Russian] In the new era, we may talk about several different periods in the process progressing in the format of the relations of “the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics -- Republic of Turkey”. The first period (1921-1939) is known as the era of good neighbourly relations while during the second period, i.e. during World War II between 1939 and 1945, Turkey pursued a policy of neutrality despite the pressure of the Allied Powers, and after how the war would end became clear, Turkey declared war on Germany and Japan in order to be among the founding members of the UN. In the later period, throughout most of the last century, the relations between Turkey and Russia were shaped by the Cold War conditions (Hirst & Isci, 2020). In this period, Turkey was one of the two main countries (the other was Iran) targeted by the aggressive Near East (Middle East) policy of the Soviets, which led Turkey to take part in NATO and ended with the death of Stalin. At the very least, Stalin seemed eager to utter a large-scaled strategic threat. He refused that he organized an offensive against Turkey, yet his actions showed otherwise (Mark, 1997). After Stalin's death, there was a certain softening in the relations between the two countries.

By the end of 1960, the USA had deployed medium-range Jupiter missiles in Turkey. The USSR did not let this go unanswered, and in 1962, it deployed Jupiter- like medium-range missiles in Cuba. When the US intelligence detected this, the island was besieged.

Khrushchev sent a letter to Kennedy, and demanded the removal of Jupiter missiles from Turkey. He also stated in the letter that the USSR did not intend to invade Turkey, and the USA should also give the same assurance for Cuba. This was the beginning of the negotiation process which resulted in an agreement between the two countries. In April 1963, the Jupiter missiles were completely removed from Turkey. This process damaged Turkey's trust in the USA. The opinion that following a one-way foreign policy would be harmful for Turkey and that it was necessary to establish close relations with countries other than the USA were formed. The idea emerged that it is necessary to establish close relations with countries other than the USA. During the 1960s, there was a transition period to versatility in Turkish foreign policy. During the 1960s, there was a transition to versatility in Turkish foreign policy (Oran, 2013). Luckily, the clash of ideas between the USA and the Soviet Union didn't stop them arriving at a peaceful solution through diplomacy (Weaver, 2014).

Kennedy managed to make the USSR withdraw the missiles in Cuba and to deploy American forces there through well-executed diplomacy, making compromises behind the scenes to withdraw the American missiles in Turkey, and being sensitive towards the political demands of Khrushchev. Kennedy then went on to promote the relationship between the two countries (Larson, 2018).

As an extension of this process, reciprocal high-level visits were held between Turkey and the USSR from 1965 until the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 197 9 “Н. В. Подгорный в Турции”, Коммунист, 13 апреля 1972 г., and two important agreements, namely Declaration on the Principles of Good Neighbourly Relations (1972) and Political Document on Good Neighbourly and Friendly Relations (1978), were signed. With the aid the USSR provided, the cooperative relations were enhanced (Oran, 2013).

Between 1980 and 1983, the bilateral relations were stable. Mainly due to the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan and the military coup in Turkey. In this process, the economic relations improved, which manifested itself in the political field too (Oran, 2013).

The relations gained the energy dimension with the Natural Gas Agreement dated 1984. When it comes to the perceptions of these countries for each other during the Cold War, Turkey was NATO's southern flank country for the Soviets and the Soviet Union was the red menace for Turkey.

During the office of Ozal (1983-1991), the international environment in which Turkey-USSR relations progressed was the Cold War system. In general sense, the main feature of the Cold War system covering the period from 1945 to 1991 was a struggle between the Western and Eastern blocs which had ideological, political, military and economic dimensions. During the Cold War, the struggle between the blocs was sometimes harsh and sometimes soft, but it was always multidimensional. In this context, the relations between Turkey and the USSR, in general, were also significantly influenced by the multidimensional struggle between the blocs and its course. The main reason was that Turkey was a member of the Western Bloc while the USSR was the leader of the Eastern Bloc. For this reason, when the conflict between the Western and Eastern Blocs softened, the Turkey-USSR relations were positively influenced, yet when the conflict between the blocs hardened, their relations was negatively influenced. Indeed, this situation revealed itself on the course of the relations between Turkey and the USSR during Ozal's presidency. In general, a softening was observed between the Western and Eastern during Ozal period, except for the first year of his presidency.

This softening and even the cooperation process gained momentum when Mikhail Gorbachev became the General Secretary of the Communist Party of the USSR. Gorbachev's attempts to reform the Soviet system in a relatively liberal line and his foreign policy approaches initiated the process of transforming relations with the Western bloc from competition to cooperation. The perestroika and glasnost policies that Gorbachev implemented primarily affected the relations of the USSR with the USA, and detente was observed in Reagan's anti-Soviet policies. This naturally reflected on the relations between the USSR and Turkey.

This created favourable conditions in the international system allowing the development of the USSR-Turkey relations towards cooperation and multidimensional affairs during the office of Ozal.

Furthermore, Turgut Ozal's political approach was to implement a more liberal system at home and his foreign policy was based on developing cooperation and multi-dimensional relations (Abramowitz, 2013). In particular, the presence of elements including cooperation, developing economic relations, and pragmatism in Turkish foreign policy was another important component created a suitable environment for the advancement of relations with the USSR.

In summary, the international system at the time of Ozal's presidency, the dynamics of the mutual relations, both countries' internal dynamics and their implications on their foreign policy made it essential that multi-dimensional relationships be developed and cooperation be ensured between Turkey and the USSR.

In this regard, the present article evaluates the relations between Turkey and the USSR during Ozal's office through the theoretical and practical dimensions being based on the liberal theory approach in the international relations realm.

Liberal Theory and Inter-State Relations

In ideological sense, liberalism is the most enduring and influential philosophical tradition brought up by the European Enlightenment (Burchill, 2005). Although the pioneer of the ideological liberalism movement was John Locke in the political sense, David Hume, Adam Smith, Montesquieu, Voltaire and Kant later played an important role in the development of this movement (Moravcsik, 1992). Liberalism, as a political philosophy, sought to explain the transforming individualstate relationship in the 17th and 18th centuries through the principle of rationalism (Yanik, 2015). Liberalism believes that politics will seek to maximize human wellbeing because rationality will prioritize human welfare and defend human freedoms with the perception of minimal state. Liberalism, which mainly aims to shape the characteristics of the society at the national level, tries the regulations at the national level to be reflected on the international level and pointed out that the order established in this direction can determine the foreign policy of the states. As it will be discussed below, this “internal to external” perspective, that is, the understanding that the principles inside can determine the external policies of a state outside marked the first half of the 20th century and it created an opportunity for the advocates of the realism who supports the “external to internal” claims that the international system determines the foreign policy behaviour of the states to criticize the liberals. Basically, ideological liberalism indirectly contributed to the formation of liberal theory in international relations with its philosophical views on human nature, the qualities and purposes of the state, and the provision of security and welfare (Meiser, 2018).

Liberalism essentially formed a theoretical approach in international relations in the 20^th century thanks to the contributions of such intellectuals as Norman Angell, Woodrow Wilson, David Mitrany, Ernst Haas, Karl Deutsch, Michael Doyle, Stanley Hoffmann, Joseph S. Nye, Jr. Robert O. Keohane, Richard Rosecrance, and Francis Fukuyama.For detailed information, please see: Griffiths, M. 2009. Fifty Key Thinkers in International Relations. 2nd ed. New York: Routledge. pp. 65-122.; Yanik, L.K. 2015. Liberalizm: Bir Yazin Degerlendirmesi [Liberalism: A Review of the Literature]. International Relations, 12(46), pp. 37-45. [in Turkish]

In this context, the general perspective of the liberal theory on international relations can be summarized as follows.For detailed information, please see: Viotti, P.R. and Kauppi, M. V. 2011. International Relations Theory. 5th ed. Pearson. pp. 129-188; Burchill, S. 2005. Liberalism. In: S. Burchill and A. Linklater, eds. Theories of International Relations, 3rd ed. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.pp. 55-83; Matthews, E.G. and Callaway, R. L. 2019. International Relations Theory: A Primer. 2nd ed. pp. 81-132; Reus-Smit, C. and Snidal, D. eds. 2008. The Oxford Handbook of International Relations. 1st ed. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 201-266; Moravcsik, A. 1992. Liberalism and international relations theory. [online] Center for International Affairs, Harvard University. Firstly, liberal theory does not view international relations as a power struggle. The theory suggests that there are shared interests in inter-state relations, and these interests may have military and political aspects, as well as their economic, cultural and environmental dimensions. Liberals use factors such as economy, culture and environment as well as military power in the explanation of the international structure. Second, liberals argue that international order and peace can be achieved through cooperation, and in this sense, they attach special importance to cooperation both in international area and in mutual relations between states. Indeed, liberals believe in the innate goodness of humanity for cooperation and peace in the international system. Third, liberal theory argues that besides states, international organizations and non-state actors are also important factors in international relations. Thus, liberals care about the role of such structures and their instruments among the foreign policy instruments of states. Fourth, liberals attach serious importance to economic relations and trade in foreign policy. On one hand, trade increases the cost of war and conflict as humanity becomes interdependent, on the other hand, it facilitates the emergence of international cooperation for the provision of peace, prosperity and justice. Liberal theory argues that international peace can be achieved not only by deterrence, intervention, hegemony or regional power, but also by economic integration leading to political integration. In this context, the liberal worldview claims that the economy and economic integration are determinants of permanent peace in the international system. At this point, liberal theory specifically emphasizes the understanding of “interdependence” in inter-state relations, which have financial, commercial, economic and cultural dimensions. Fifth, liberals assert that diplomacy in international relations is essential for peacefully resolving problems, controlling conflicts and ensuring common prosperity.

In summary, one of the concepts that liberalism taking its philosophical and political roots from the Enlightenment period puts attention in international relations is cooperation, and one of its most important aims is to ensure international cooperation. In this context, liberal thinkers draw attention to not only political and military but also economic, commercial, social and technological dimensions in inter-state relations. The assumption that these dimensions bring the understanding of “interdependence” in inter-state relations into open is one of the issues emphasized by liberals. In short, the liberal approach lays emphasis on the importance of diplomacy in achieving international cooperation.

In the light of what has been discussed above, liberal theory in international relations is, in several aspects, an important theoretical framework for explaining Turkey-USSR relations during the Turgut Ozal period. First of all, the mentioned relations took place during the Cold War, during which the power struggle was the main element in the international system. Nevertheless, in Turgut Ozal's period, economic, cultural and similar factors, as well as military power, held an important place in Turkey-USSR relations in accordance with the approach advocated by liberal theory. Second of all, despite the competitive landscape of the Cold War, special attention was paid to cooperation in bilateral relations between Turkey and the USSR, in line with the thesis defended by liberal theory during the Turgut Ozal period. Third, in this period, it was observed that the role of non-state structures and companies in foreign policy increased in Turkey-USSR relations, albeit partially, in line with the approach advocated by liberal theory. Fourth, in the period of Turgut Ozal, in accordance with the thesis defended by liberal theory, it was seen in Turkey-USSR relations that the importance of economic relations and trade increased in the foreign policy of both Turkey and the USSR, and a partial interdependence began to develop in some issues. Lastly, it was also observed in this period that both Turkish and Soviet authorities mostly preferred diplomacy and negotiation in their mutual relations and talks, as stated in liberal theory. In the following parts of the article, these issues are presented in detail by giving examples.

The Nature of Turkey-USSR Relations before Ozal Government Came to Power

It is understood that the softening efforts whose presence started to be felt in international relations in the late 1970s worldwide were abandoned and apathy began to prevail in international relations. With the military intervention of the Soviet Union in Afghanistan, international law rules were clearly violated (Reuveny & Prakash, 1999). It is observed that the participation of the Soviet Union and the United States in an arms race in this process generally negatively affected international relations. This naturally influenced the mutual relations of Turkey and the Soviet Union (Qasimli, 2012, pp. 9-13). The Soviet Union has achieved a great improvement especially in the powers deployed in the Balkans and the Caucasus and in the naval power in the Eastern Mediterranean which was also dependent on the general developments. The USSR, which acquired bases in different countries, began to stand out in the world's seas with aircraft carriers and nuclear submarines. Thanks to its anti-colonialist rhetoric, the USSR getting rid of its loneliness in the 1950s became in close cooperation with especially the Non-Aligned countries in several fields (Roy, 1988, pp. 79-80).

When it came to Turkey, the Parliament and the Government were repealed by the September 12 military coup and the Armed Forces under the leadership of Kenan Evren came in power. Silahli Kuvvetler Yonetime el koydu [Armed Forces seized power], 1980. Cumhuriyet, 12 Sep. [in Turkish]

At that time, there were different perspectives in Turkey towards the Soviets. For example, in an interview he gave to Newsweek, Turkey's Permanent Representative to the United Nations Coskim Kirca said, “The danger of interference in internal affairs of Turkey comes from the Soviet Union”. However, Turkish political commentator Ali Sirmen had a different view. Sirmen argued that the Soviet Union did not have such an intention. Of course, Sirmen was telling his opinions while Kirca expressed the views of the government (Qasimli, 2012, pp. 137-138).

Period of Turgut Ozal's Prime Ministry: General Characteristics

The period when Turgut Ozal was in power as Prime Minister witnessed an unusually quick change of leaders in the Soviet Union. The Soviets then passed through a softening and disintegration process. Nevertheless, Turkish economy became much stronger and Turkey developed a more active foreign policy during that time. From a point of view, it can be said that it was a period of convergence in different processes for these two states. That is to say that in the period we analysed, Turkey progressed from considerable uncertainty (the military coup environment) towards a certain direction, whereas the Soviets started to turn from a certain line to uncertainty (from strong state to disintegration).

On November 6, 1983 the Motherland Party led by Turgut Ozal won the elections in Turkey.ResmiGazete[OfficialGazette],Issue:18221,14.11.1983Availableat: The same days were a period of rapid change in the USSR. After the death of Soviet leader Leonid Brejnev who was in power for many years, Yuri Andropov took office on November 12, 1982 as the new secretary general of the Communist Party in the Soviet Union. [Accessed: 25.12.2019]. Upon Andropov's death on February 9, 1984, Konstantin Chernenko, who also had health problems, took office in the USSR.Cooke, A. 1984. Chernenko is Soviet leader. BBC Radio4.[online] 19 Feb. Available at: After Chernenko's leadership lasted from 13 February 1984 to 10 March 1985, Mikhail Gorbachev came in power.

During this period, there were several issues that would affect the relations between the two countries and the occupation of Cyprus and Afghanistan by the Soviets was particularly important.

When Andropov came to power, Turkey and NATO had some expectations from the Soviet Union. One of these was the softening of the Soviet policy towards Afghanistan.Sovyetlerin Afganistan Politikasinda Yumusama Bekleniyor [Softening expected in the Soviets' Afghanistan policy], 1982. Milliyet, 15 Nov. [in Turkish] About Cyprus, however, the Soviets and Turkey had very different views. The Soviet Union, however, was in very opposing views with Turkey on the Cyprus issue. Due to Andropov's background as the chairperson of KGB, expectations for Andropov's foreign policy in general were different. According to the opinion of the Turkish press, after Andropov came to power, the foreign policy of the Soviets would harden. In his article published in the newspaper called Turkiye, Mustafa Necati Ahmetoglu wrote, “No matter who takes over the power in Russia, their aims would not change. The communist regime have not given up the imperialist policy of Tsarist Russia, on the contrary, it has fallen a firm heir to that policy... Russia's goals are clear: to dominate the world by either spreading communism all over the world or conquering countries from within with the cold war or invading territories as the Red Army did in Afghanistan” (Qasimli, 2012, p. 212).

Both during the period of rapid changes in power until Mikhail Gorbachev's presidency and after Gorbachev took the office, Turkey sought to make further progress in mutual relations with the USSR. It is possible to observe this that effort not only in economic and cultural relations, which had traditionally been noted for their positive aspects, but also in political, security and other relations.

In fact, Turkish foreign policy of the Turgut Ozal period resembles the Soviet foreign policy of the Gorbachev period in general, and this resemblance was significantly reflected in mutual relations. Both leaders adopted liberal economy, tried to pursue rational active foreign policy, and both paid attention to the creation of a peaceful environment in the international arena. Nevertheless, it bears repeating that at the beginning of the prime ministry of Turgut Ozal, Turkey could not find exactly what they expected from the Soviet Union. One of the most important reasons for this was the difference in the way countries viewed each other. During this period, the USSR was a great and powerful neighbour for Turkey, whereas Turkey was considered as the exterior guide of the greatest enemy (i.e. USA) far away as well as a country with which the USSR had historical issues, including territorial claims.

In general, the cold war environment, the U-2 crisis, the events that emerged during the Cuban crisis, and especially the fact that the USSR was seen as an important pillar of the containment policy of the United States against the Soviets after 1979 (an important NATO ally both in the Middle East and against the USSR, as required by the Carter Doctrine, and also an important part of the “green belt”) pushed the USSR to pursue cautious policies. Due to these and other reasons, the Soviet Union and even the United States generally acted with higher deliberation in relations with Turkey even while taking steps to soften their relations with the West, China, Japan and others (for example, Gorbachev did not meet Turgut Ozal when Ozal visited the USSR).

Turgut Ozal's accession to power and the first s teps

In the First Ozal Government Program, which was read by Turgut Ozal on 19 December 1983, the following were very briefly noted about the relations with the USSR, possibly due to the complex conditions mentioned above: “...we wish to maintain stable relations with our northern neighbor the Soviet Union, with mutual respect for rights and a constructive understanding of cooperation”.I.OzalHukumetProgrami[1^stGovernmentProgramofOzal], [in Turkish]

During this period, the Soviet Union realized that as they increased their aid for left-wing organizations in Turkey, the Western states were becoming closer with Ankara Government and increased their aids to Turkey. The Turkish government was tightening measures against the leftist organizations in the country which was not matching with the interests of the Soviets. For this reason, the USSR leadership needed to affiliate with Turkey. In this way, the Soviets aimed to exercise influence over Turkey, undermine the influence of the West on this country and even weaken the Turkish society from inside (Qasimli, 2012, p. 271-273).

Within the framework of the preparations conducted prior to the Ozal government's accession to power, the “Protocol on the Joint Control of the Turkish -- Soviet State Border Line in Rivers, Watercourses and Streams” was signed in Ankara on December 20, 1983. The Protocol was approved by the Council of Ministers' decision numbered 84/7564 dated January 3, 1984 and entered into force on January 18, 1984 when published in the Official Gazette.ResmiGazete[OfficialGazette],Issue:18285,18.01.1984.Availableat: [Accessed: 10.12.2019]. [in Turkish] Although it seems like a very ordinary protocol, such a document signed between a NATO member state and the contiguous USSR was meaningful in terms of preventing the emergence of problems (crises) in bilateral relations.

As soon as Ozal government was established, one of the first steps taken was to take action towards deepening economic relations with the Soviet Union. In line with this aim, Ekrem Pakdemirli, the Undersecretary for Treasury and Foreign Trade of the Prime Ministry, paid a visit to Moscow on January 20-27, 1984 with 60 businesspersons. During the visit, the parties signed an agreement on January 26, 1984 allowing the payment of principal and interest instalments of the facility credits provided by the USSR for the establishment of some industrial facilities in Turkey with goods.Council of Ministers' Decision no 84/7754 dated 22.02.1984, Resmi Gazete [Official Gazette], Issue: 18333, 18.03.1984. Available at: [Accessed: 10.12.2019]. [in Turkish]

Furthermore, a Russian delegation under the presidency of G. N. Sergeyev, the Deputy Minister for Iron and Steel Industry visited Turley and made on-site examinations at Iskenderun Iron -- Steel Plant on February 1-10, 1984.

During this period, the USSR-Turkey relations stayed away from possible tension on a different issue. The Deputy Foreign Minister of the USSR G. Kornienko visited Ankara on March 12-13, 1984 and had a private meeting with Kenan Evren, the President of Turkey. It was argued that the visit, which was not planned in advance and took place abruptly, was about NATO missiles (Cruise and Pershing missiles) claimed to be deployed in Turkey. Later, at a press conference on March 15, 1984, Ambassador Nazmi Akiman responded the questions he received saying that if they would receive an offer regarding the deployment of nuclear missiles in

Turkey, they would not accept it.Cruise ve Pershing fuzeleri [Cruise and Pershing missiles], 1985. Cumhuriyet, 12 Mar. [in Turkish]

The 7th Term Meeting of the Joint Commission for Turkish-Soviet Economic Cooperation which was one of the most important structures for mutual relations was held on June 24 -- July 4, 1984 in Ankara.

Undoubtedly, one of the most important developments in Turkey-SSCB affairs was the “Agreement on Delivery of Natural Gas from the Soviet Socialist Republics to Turkey” signed between the Government of the Republic of Turkey and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on September 18, 1984.Sovyetler Dogal Gaz Vermeyi Kabul etti [The Soviets concur to give natural gas], 1984. Milliyet, 23 Feb. [in Turkish] The agreement was signed at the end of the Turkish-Soviet trade negotiations held in Ankara on September 15-19, 1984. The Agreement, which entered into force after being published in the Official Gazette dated December 7, 1984, was envisaged to remain in effect for 25 years from the commencement date of natural gas shipment.Council of Ministers' Decision no 84/8806 dated 22.11.1984, Resmi Gazete [Official Gazette], Issue: 18598, 07.12.1984. Available at: [in Turkish]

Turkey was giving special attention to further development of relations in economic and cultural fields with its northern neighbour. In this way, Ankara was heading towards a multilateral, multi-planned foreign policy. Cooperation did not mean that the parties would leave the military and political blocs to which they belong. The natural gas purchase agreement was signed between the USSR and Turkey in such an environment (Qasimli, 2012, p. 271-273).

As per the agreement, Soyuzgazexport, the All-Union Foreign Trade Organization, was assigned to determine the details and price of the natural gas delivery and make a commercial contract. Relevant studies in Turkey were carried out by BOTAS and consumption potential and pipeline route were determined with the Natural Gas Study commissioned in 1985. With this study, especially North West Anatolia was chosen as a favourable region (Hodalogullari & Aydin, 2016, p. 746).

One of the most important indicators of Turkey's view about the relations with the USSR was the speeches the foreign ministers of Turkey gave at the parliament (in both the Committee on Planning and Budget of the Grand National Assembly (TBMM) of Turkey and the General Assembly). As emphasized in these speeches, the USSR was seen not only a party of mutual relations in Turkish foreign policy, but also a determining factor of Turkey's overall security environment and of relations with some other countries (particularly with the Eastern European countries). For example, in the speech he made on November 10, 1984 on the occasion of the negotiation of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs 1985 Fiscal Year Budget Draft at the Committee on Planning and Budget of TBMM, Vahit Halefoglu, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, stated that they welcomed some promising signs of relieving the tension in East-West relations which had been going on since the early 1980s, that especially the hope that the negotiations on the control of nuclear weapons start between the US and the USSR without preconditions and that the new softening period would bring negotiations and a compromise mentality for the allies of the two great states in Europe instead of conflict and tension. Also it was highlighted that Turkey attached great importance to maintain the stable affairs with the Soviet Union based on good neighbourly relations, mutual trust and equality of rights.

In the interview published in Milliyet newspaper dated November 24, 1984, the Foreign Minister Vahit Halefoglu made positive statements about the attitude of the USSR towards armament in the Aegean, and also stated that they were making progress in relations with the USSR despite the USA from time to time.Ne olacak simdi [What now?], 1984. Milliyet, 24 Nov. [in Turkish]

In the speech he made on December 16, 1984 on the occasion of the negotiation of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs 1985 Fiscal Year Budget Draft at the TBMM General Assembly, the Minister of Foreign Affairs Vahit Halefoglu particularly emphasized that they had a high opinion of the decision to re-establish the dialogue between the USA and the USSR and to deal with the issues related to arms control with a new understanding, and give importance the Shultz-Gromyko meeting, which was expected to take place in January 1985. He also stated that they consider positive the continuation of stable good neighbourly relations with the Soviet Union and the development of relations with Eastern European countries in this context (for example, the Kemerkoy Thermal Power Plant project, which was decided to be built with Turkish-Polish cooperation).

One of the most important points in the relations was the two-day official visit of the Chairman of the USSR Council of Ministers N. A. Tikhonov to Turkey on the invitation of Turgut Ozal, the Prime Minister of Turkey.Ruslarla 7 Konu Pazarlik Masasinda [7 topics at the negotiation table with the Russians], 1984. Milliyet, 24 Dec. [in Turkish] During his visit, Tikhonov was accompanied by the Chairman of the State Committee for Foreign Economic Relations of the Soviet Union Sergueychik, Vice Minister of Foreign Trade Komarov, and Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs Rijov as well as a large delegation. Turkey's Foreign Ministry announced the visit with the title, “the first official visit at this level for the last 9 years”.Disisleri Bakanligi 1984 Tarihcesi [1984 Bulletin of Ministry of Foreign Affairs], February 1985. Republic of Turkey Ministry of Foreign Affairs Executive Secretariat. p. 25. [in Turkish]

Turgut Ozal and Tikhonov made statement at the welcoming ceremony of Tikhonov at Ankara Esenboga Airport on December 25, 1984, emphasizing the different dimensions of the mutual relations. Ozal emphasized the economic dimension of the relations saying, “Turkey attaches great importance to the existing good neighbourly relations and friendly cooperation with the northern neighbour the Soviet Union and wishes for the stable development of these relations based on reciprocity. Since our government came to power, it has been determined to improve our commercial relations and economic cooperation with the Soviet Union within the framework of mutual benefit. Tikhonov said, "the Soviet Union, desires good relations with the Republic of Turkey and wants to consolidate the foundations of these relations which were laid by Vladimir Lenin and Kemal Ataturk" manifesting that opposition to imperialism (not being in line with the West) in the USSR-Turkey relations in the 20th century were considered more reasonable.Disisleri Bakanligi Belleteni [Bulletin of Republic of Turkey Ministry of Foreign Affairs], October 1985. Republic of Turkey Ministry of Foreign Affairs. p. 120. [in Turkish]

During the visit, the parties signed the 10-year “Long Term Program for the Development of Economic, Commercial, Scientific and Technical Cooperation”, “Agreement on the Exchange of Goods” covering the period of 1986-1990, and “Cultural and Scientific Exchange Program”.Sovyetlerle uc anlasma [Three agreements with the Soviets], 1984. Cumhuriyet, 27 Dec. [in Turkish] Besides the meetings between the delegations during the visit, Tikhanov was welcomed by President Kenan Evren and also Ozal gave a dinner in honour of his guest. During conversations at dinner, the issues were assessed more in detail (for instance, Ozal touched on almost all foreign policy priorities of Turkey), yet it was observed that the line at the reception at the airport was preserved considerably.Disisleri Bakanligi Belleteni [Bulletin of Republic of Turkey Ministry of Foreign Affairs], October 1985. Republic of Turkey Ministry of Foreign Affairs. pp. 120-127. [in Turkish] During the conversations here, Ozal expressed that the agreement between the USSR and the USA in the field of arms control and disarmament would lead to positive changes in the relations between the East and the West, contribute to the increase of trust in Europe, and that Turkey gave importance to the development of Turkish-Soviet relations in an environment of peace, trust and cooperation. Tikhonov reemphasized that the cooperation between the Soviet Union and the Republic of Turkey were based on the oldest traditions and the foundations of this cooperation were laid “in the period when the Turkish people fought an anti-imperialist war for the sake of their national independence and the Russian labourers were fighting to consolidate the world's first young socialist state, which was born as a result of the revolution.” Tikhonov also added that the Friendship and Brotherhood Treaty signed in 1921 “entered the history of the two states as an unforgettable event” and that the Soviet Union always tried to develop its relations with Turkey following the traditions that “Vladimir Lenin and Kemal Ataturk founded.”Disisleri Bakanligi Belleteni [Bulletin of Republic of Turkey Ministry of Foreign Affairs], October 1985. Republic of Turkey Ministry of Foreign Affairs. pp. 43-44. [in Turkish]

In general, Tikhonov talked about the USSR's intention to improve relations with Turkey.С официальным визитом [On an official visit], 1984. Известия, 27 Dec. [in Russian] Stating that the period of recession in the relations between the two countries was over, Ozal mentioned the importance of the agreement on the transportation of natural gas and expressed his hope that the trade volume would reach 6 billion dollars between 1986 and 1990. Moreover, he complained of the antiTurkish policy exacerbated in the Armenian SSR and the unfounded territorial claims against Turkey. The Turkish government expressed their discomfort with the strengthening of the Armenian terrorist acts and their doubts that the USSR might be behind these acts. Tikhonov, on the other hand, stated that the official policy of the USSR had nothing to do with the propaganda pursued in the Armenian SSR (Qasimli, 2012, p. 280-281).

In the meanwhile, the second term meeting of the joint control commission, which controls the crossing of the Turkish-Soviet state borderline in rivers, was held in Ankara on December 14, 1984 -- January 8, 1985. At the meeting, the determinations made by the technicians of both parties on their own beaches in 1984 were evaluated, and a Protocol was signed to regulate the further studies, and the relevant Instructions and Joint Control Commission 1985 Working Plan were accepted. Since the rivers constitute half of the 630 km long Turkish-Soviet border, joint studies on this issue were considered important by the authorities of both countries.

The Turkish authorities continued to emphasize the importance of the softening of relations between the blocs and their belief in the potential favourable consequences it would bring on every occasion, even at meetings with the officials of third countries. For example, in a statement he made on February 19, 1985 assessing the British Foreign Secretary Geoffrey Howejin's visit to Turkey, the Turkish Foreign Minister Vahit Halefoglu specifically highlighted Turkey's expectations regarding the disarmament talks, which would begin between the US and the Soviet Union in Geneva in March besides their thoughts on the UK-Turkey relations.

New Era and New Circumstances in the USSR

The death of USSR leader Konstantin Ustinovich Chernenko on March 10, 1985 was the beginning of a new era not only in terms of Soviet domestic policy but also in terms of global politics and inter-bloc struggle (Сахаров, 2016, p. 724). On March 12-13, 1985, the Turkish presidential delegation under the presidency of Prime Minister Turgut Ozal went to Moscow to attend Chernenko's funeral ceremony.“Траурный митинг на Красной площади”, “Встреча глав иностранных делегаций с советскими руководителями”, ИЗВЕСТИЯ, 14 МАРТА 1985 г., Basbakanlik Cumhuriyet Arsivi [Republic Archives of the Prime Ministry], Document no: 30-18-1-2_527-334-2. [in Turkish] Both Turkish and Soviet press shared news on the event"Известия", 14 марта 1985г. (стр.5), Date accessed: 07.06.2021.

Being determined to rejuvenate the Soviet Union from top to bottom, a new political cadre under the presidency of M. S. Gorbachev came to power under the circumstances of administrative conflicts ongoing behind the scenes (Грачев, 2001). The perestroika and glasnost years led to positive developments in the foreign policy of the Soviet Union. It was understood in the international arena that it was only possible to ensure the security of your own country if the security of other countries and states was taken into consideration (Орлов, Георгиев, Георгиева, & Сивохина 2013, p. 460). The ongoing reformations and severe economic situation in the country affected the foreign policy of the USSR seriously. In 1987, the concept of foreign policy, which was called "new political thought", came in useful. This concept accepted that the two systems should stop opposition, the idea that the world is integrated and indivisible, humanitarian values precede class and ideological values in foreign policy relations (Согрин, 2001). Although Gorbachev looked askance at relations with Turkey under these circumstances, he always kept it in view.

Between May 21, 1985 and May 29,1985, a Turkish Parliamentary

Delegation paid an official visit to the Soviet Union under the presidency of chairperson of TBMM (Great National Assembly of Turkey), Necmettin Karaduman. During the visit, the Turkish delegation made contacts in Leningrad and Uzbekistan, and held talks with supreme Soviet members under the presidency of Tolkunov and Voss, the presidents of the Union and the Soviet of Nationalities, and with Kuznetsov, the First Vice Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union, in the Kremlin. In the statement Karaduman made upon his return to Turkey, he stated that they came back from the Soviet Union with positive impressions and put emphasis on the opportunities to improve their neighbourhood and cooperation relations during their contacts, and that the visit to the Soviet Union enabled the parliaments of both countries to re-establish a dialogue after a while.Disisleri Bakanligi Belleteni [Bulletin of Republic of Turkey Ministry of Foreign Affairs], October 1985. Republic of Turkey Ministry of Foreign Affairs. pp. 27-28. [in Turkish]Although most experts had favourable opinions about this visit, it was also stated that the sincerity existing in mutual relations a few years ago started to weaken with Gorbachev.

A Soviet military cargo vessel called "Khasan" and a Turkish assault boat called "Meltem" collided in Istanbul Strait on September 24, 1985, and five Turkish marines died as a result, which caused huge public resentment. Allegedly, the Soviet military cargo vessel did not stop despite warnings and hit the Turkish assault boat. During the negotiations, the USSR side did not acknowledge its legal responsibility in the incident, but with the statement made after long discussions on February 9, 1988, the USSR provided a total of 250 thousand USD through the USSR Red Cross and the Turkish Red Crescent Societies to the families of the marines who lost their lives by "taking humanitarian considerations into account". The Turkish side thought it was a positive development.

Undoubtedly, one of the most important steps in bilateral relations during the Ozal's rule was Ozal's comprehensive visit to the USSR that started on July 28, 1986.Советско-турецкие переговоры [Soviet-Turkish negotiations], 1986. Известия, 27 Jul. [in Russian] The main purpose of the visit was to regulate the Turkish-Soviet relations, which had gone through ups and downs recently, and to establish an atmosphere of mutual trust.ResmiGazete[OfficialGazette],Issue:19344,17.01.. [Accessed: 13.04.2020]. [in Turkish] During the talks, important issues such as the Cyprus problem and the pressure exerted by Bulgaria on the Muslim-Turkish minority would be discussed, while both sides would evaluate what could be done to "strengthen" and "develop" good neighbourly relations.Ozal Moskova'da [Ozal in Moscow], 1986. Milliyet, 27 Jul. [in Turkish] This meeting would also reveal first clues about what Gorbachev, who gave a new impulse to Soviet foreign policy, thought of Turkey.Basbakan'in Moskova ziyareti bugun Basliyor [Prime Minister's visit to Moscow begins today], 1986. Cumhuriyet, 28 Jul. [in Turkish]