Relations between Moldova and the Russian federation: historical overview
Review the brief history of the Prut-Dniester region for two centuries, from the late 18th century to the present day. Responsibility of the Russian government for violating the laws of war and facilitating the escalation of human rights violations.
| Рубрика | Международные отношения и мировая экономика |
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Relations between Moldova and the Russian federation: historical overview
Igor Chiosa
м. Кишинів
Анотація
Ігор Кіоса. Відносини між Республікою Молдова та Російською Федерацією: історичний огляд.
Республіка Молдова - з географічної точки зору маленька держава в південно-східній Європі. Наперекір маленькій території, ця молода держава має багату історію, а іноді і суперечливу.
Незважаючи на незалежність, молода держава бореться з серйозним тиском з боку Російської Федерації, яка розглядає територію Республіки Молдова як сферу ще свого впливу. Щоб зрозуміти складність відносин між Кишинівом і Москвою, і претензії Російської Федерації, необхідно поринути у історію, зокрема, за останні 200 років. Стаття являє собою коротку історію простору Прут-Дністер за два століття, починаючи з кінця XVIII століття і до сьогоднішнього дня та зв'язки між Кишинівом і Москвою протягом цього періоду.
Ключові слова: Республіка Молдова, Російська Федерація, простір Прут-Дністер, Кишинів, Москва.
Abstract
Igor Chiosa. Relations between Moldova and the Russian Federation: historical overview.
Republic of Moldova, from a geographical point of view, is a small country in south eastern Europe. Contrary to a small area, this young state has a rich history and sometimes even contradictory.
Despite independence, the young nation struggling with severe pressure from the Russian Federation, which considers the territory of the Republic of Moldova as a sphere of influence is. To understand the complexity of relations between Chisinau and Moscow, and the claim of need to dive into the history, particularly in the last 200 years. The article presents a brief history of the Prut-Dniester region for two centuries, from the end of XVIII century to the present day and connections between Chisinau and Moscow during this period.
Keywords: Republic of Moldova, Russian Federation, region Prut-Dniester, Chisinau, Moscow.
Introduction
Republic of Moldova is a small country located in the south-east of Europe, between Romania and Ukraine, with a population of about 3,5 mln. peoples, according to official dates1. Despite being a small and poor, the country has a rich and in many ways a controversial history, especially regarding topics of ethnicity, language and culture, that are marked by political shades.
Contemporary state Republic of Moldova gained its independence from Soviet Union on 27 august 19912 as a result of a series of political processes that happened that year3. Since its independence and to our days, the young republic had struggle to find a proper way to prosper, mostly because of the indecision of the political actors inside the country and the external factors as well. One of the external factors that strongly influence the fate of the small country is Russian Federation. As a regional power, as American president Barack Obama said4, Russia has maintained its influence since the fall of the Soviet Union through various instruments, such as political, economical and cultural.
In order to understand Russia's interest in this region, and particular in Republic of Moldova, we have to look back in history to find why and how the territory between rivers Prut and Nistru has become important for imperial aspirations of Russia.
The map of the Principality of Moldova in 1811
The Treaty of Bucharest and the annexation of Bessarabia
In the second half of the XVIII-th century, as a result of the continuing decline of the Ottoman Empire, Russia started to increase its influence in the Romanian Principalities and Balkan region. After the Russian-ottoman war of the 1768-1774, russian positions in the Romanian Principalities became more stable. The Treaty of Kuciuk-Kainargi signed in 1774 at the end of the war, offered the right to the tsar to protect the wellbeing of the «orthodox brothers” in Balkan region5. After such success, the supporters of Russian interests become to grown in the mentioned Principalities, especially during and after another Russian-ottoman war of the 1788-17926.
We must mention that during the second half of the XVIII-th century, the local boyars addressed a lot of petitions to Russian government. The main reasons behind that petitions were personal interests of the local boyars, their desire to rule countries by their own and to manage in safe their affairs. Russian government new about their mercantile interests, but used the petitions in the diplomatic war with Ottoman Empire to press and to obtain more concessions7.
At the beginning of the XIX-th century the relations between the two empires were the same as in the previous 50 years. In 1806 a war between Ottoman Empire and Russian Empire has started, and the Romanian Principalities were the theatre of war8.
As a result of the war, and according to the Treaty of Bucharest, signed on 16/28 may 18129, Russian Empire gained the territory between rivers Prut and Nistru and renamed it Bessarabia10. Despite initial intensions to incorporate both Romanian Principalities, tsarists have been satisfied with a smaller territory, but very important11. According to the historian W.P. Van Meurs, the reasons behind the annexation of
Bessarabia were multiple: control of the Danube delta; to demonstrate to the Balkan's people the advantages of Russian domination, etc12. Despite the intentions to show to the locals and to others that the new administration will give them a better life, the first years of the occupation where a disaster. Famine and various epidemics ravaged the Romanian province incorporated into Russian Empire13. Also, more than 5000 Romanian families took refuge across the Prut river, as they feared that the Russian administration will introduce the serfdom14. As a result of the exodus and the expulsion of tatars and ottomans from Budjak, the Russian administration brought Russians, ukranian and german colonists in Bessarabia, as well as Bulgarians and gagauz people15.
From 1812 until 1828, Bessarabia had a so called autonomy during which the old legislation of the Principality of Moldova was used, as a continuation of traditions, but in fact it was a smart move made by tsarists government to eliminate any tensions in the new «acquisition»16. The local boyar, Scarlat Sturdza became the first civil governor of the new province when he was named in the office on June 23, 181217. However, less than in a year, he was relieved from office on June 17, 1813, due to health reasons, according to official statements18. He was the first and only Romanian governor of Bessarabia during the occupation of the Romanian province by tsarists.
In 1828 the so called autonomy was suppressed. The local boyars were excluded from participation in the administration of the province and replaced by Russian oficers19.
For 106 years, until 1918, the Romanian territory renamed Bessarabia will remain part of the Russian empire.
The Soviet Ultimatums and the second annexation of Bessarabia.
As a result of the fall of Russian Empire and the chaos that happened after, on December 2, Bessarabia declared itself Moldavian Democratic Republic20 and later proclaimed its independence from Russia21. On march 27, Sfatul Tarii (the legislative body) voted the Unification of The Bessarabia with Romania22.
Despite the legal aspect of the Unification, the desire of the major part of the population (after 106 years, romanians were still the majority in Bessarabia) and the recognition of the act of the union by the Great Powers23, the Soviet Union24 did not recognized de jure the Union of Bessarabia with Romania, but did recognized de facto by signing a serie of treaties with the Kingom of Romania25. However, the relations between the Kingdom of Romania and Soviet Union remained tensioned during the interbellum period.
On August 23 1939, the world witnessed almost the impossible: two dictators, Stalin and Hitler, signed a treaty of non-aggression26. The Treaty had an additional secret protocol that divided the sphere of influence in Eastern Europe27. The 3 paragraph of the additional secret protocol stipulated the Soviet interes for Bessarabia and the political disinterest from Nazi Germany for the same territory28.
On June 26, 1940, after the fall of France four days earlier, the Soviet Union delivered an ultimatum to the government of Romania to withdraw from Bessarabia and Northern Bucovina29. Romania proposed to negotiate and after the second ultimatum, agreed to withdraw from Bessarabia and Northern Bucovina30. On August 2, 1940, the supreme soviet of USSR created Moldavian SSR from parts of Bessarabia and Moldavian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic31.
After the liberation of Bessarabia, Northern Bucovina and Hertza region32 in 1941, the soviets regained control of this Romanian territories in 1944 and in- staurated a great terror.
The relations between Republic of Moldova and Russian Federation after 1991: a short review. As it was said in the introduction, Republic of Moldova gained independence from Soviet Union on August 27, 1991, recognized by Moscow on December 18, 199 133. However, after a short time, on December 21, 1991, then president of the Republic of Moldova signed the Alma-Ata protocol which stipulated the creation of the Commonwealth of Independent States34. It is good to emphasize that the president Snegur signed the protocol without consulting the parliament of the country35.
Despite the recognition of the independence and the joining of the CIS by Republic of Moldova, Moscow continued to suspect Chisinau of desire to reunite with Romania, In 1992, on march 2 a conflict was started36. Separatists from the left bank of the Nistru river were heavily aided by Russian Federation through 14 army stationed in Tiraspol, with weapons, intelligence, etc.37 The fights were ended by the signing on july 21, 1992 in Moscow, of the Eltsin-Snegur Convention38. However, the convention din not solve the conflict and as of 2015 its considered a “frozen conflict”. Debates surrounding this conflict still persists, but almost all of the international actors and organizations had recognized the Russian government's ultimate responsibility for laws of war violations and for facilitating the escalation of human rights abuses by making arms available to known abusers, is perhaps clearest in the 1992 conflict in eastern Moldova.
After the conflict, Moscow provided itself with a key tool to keep Republic of Moldova under its influence. In 1999 at the Istanbul summit, Russian Federation agreed to withdraw and/or destroy Russian conventional armaments and equipment by the end of 200140. Back in 2003, Moscow proposed a way to “solve” the conflict, by federalization, with an equal status for the separatists, the so called Kozak Memorandum41. Fortunately, the memorandum was not signed by then president of the Republic of Moldova, Vladimir Voronin. The so called memorandum was not a way to solve the crisis, the conflict, it was just a plan to control better the activities of the official authorities of the Republic of Moldova, through Tiraspol, by blocking all the awkward policies and movements for Moscow, especially the foreign policy. As of 2015, Russian military and equipment are still present on the occupied territory of the Republic of Moldova and there are no serious signs that Russian Federation will withdrawn its military presence and equipment from the territory of Republic of Moldova in the near future. Despite being called a «frozen conflict» there are still numerous incidents, involving civilians also: on January 1, 2012, a young man was shot dead by a Russian «pacificator» on the bridge in town Vadul lui Voda42.
Also, a very important tool used by Moscow in its relations with Chisinau is the Autonomous Territorial Unit of Gagauzia. That entity was formed under the pressure of Moscow and recognized by the central authorities on 13 january 199543. Despite not being Russians, or even Slavonic, gagauzs speaks mostly Russian language and are prorussians, frequently threatens to declare independence if Republic of Moldova will join EU or NATO.
From the independece to our days, Moscow used and is using a lot of weapons to press Chisinau and to achive its goal. Economic pressure is very often used, for example 2006 Russian ban of Moldovan wines44, and once again in 2013. The embargo is a kind of «punishment”» of Republic of Moldova by Russian Federation because of the official policy of EU integration. Natural gaz is also used as a tool of pressure by Moscow. Republic of Moldova, has no natural gas resourses and buy gas from Russian Federation, and despite being the poorest country in Europe, Chisinau pays a really high price for the Russian gas45. However, there is a chance that Russian monopoly on gas sector will vanish because of the agreement between Chisinau and Bucharest to cooperate in this domain, and the desire of Chisinau to buy Romanian gas46.
Conclusions
The goal of this article is to show why Russian Federation consider Republic of Moldova as part of its sphere of influence and how the relations between two countries evolved. Often, Russian Federation operates with historical dates in order to legitimize its interference into the affairs of young republic, so it is very important to see if these claims have a historic background. Of course, for the last two centuries there is a strong link/connection between Republic of Moldova and Russian Federation and its predecessors, but these connections are a result of a rapture of a Romanian territory in 1812, called by occupants Bessarabia and its subsequent domination. More dramatic are the other two occupations in 1940 and 1944, which were succeed by the soviet terror, including deportations, famine, that killed tens of thousands of bessarabians47. These were acts of violence, and not of eliberations as many may think.
As a result of these occupations, Russian have provided itself with more than one tools that could influence the destiny of the tiny republic. Beside from Transnistrian region, there is also, Gagauz Autonomy, a pro-russian region that is used by Moscow to press and influence Chisinau48. Also there are ethnic minorities such as Ukranians, Russians, Bulgarians that speak mostly Russian language and are used as an opposite to the official policy of integration in EU, despite that many of them have passports of Romania and Bulgaria-- EU and NATO members. As a reminiscence of the past, but with a very strong position in the society is Orthodox Church. After the occupation of the Bessarabia in 1812, at the insistence of the Gavril Banulescu-Bodoni, the Metropolitan of Chisinau and Hotin, tsarist government created an autonomous Bessarabian church as an eparchy of the Russian Orthodox Church49. After the independence, Republic of Moldova have two orthodox churches: one, called Metropolis of Chisinau and All Moldova is under Russian Orthodox Church, the other one is called Metropolis of Bessarabia and is under Romanian Orthodox Church. The Metropolis of Chisinau is the largest and is used often by Moscow to influence citizens of Republic of Moldova50.
Beside from these «tools» Moscow has a lot of supporters in Republic of Moldova. These «supporting team or teams» includes politicians, businessman's, scholars, NGO's, TV stations,etc. Through that instruments, Russian interests are promoted, and in many cases, in a very aggressive mode. We can make a parallel and to affirm that the old policy of divide et impera is working perfectly for Moscow, because civil society in Republic of Moldova is divided which is bad for the country. The ongoing question with whom and where?: with the East or with the West, with Moscow or with Bucharest and Brussels? has created a rift in Republic of Moldova.
As we can see, relations between Republic of Moldova and Russian Federation are complicated because, Moscow is treating Republic of Moldova like a former colony, like a territory that belongs to Russians and Chisinau have no right to think itself. Such attitude is damaging and regretful, and Russian Federation must treat Republic of Moldova like an equal partner. The historical argument used by Moscow is false and have no future.
law war escalation dniester
Bibliography
1. The name Bessarabia (Basarabia) was used to define the south parts of the region known as Budjak. For more informations: http://www.istoria.md/articol/ 436/Originea_numelui_Basarabia
2. The main reason why tsarists didn't occupied both Principalities was Napoleon I. Shortly after the signing of the Treaty of the Bucharest, Napoleon I invaded Russian Empire.
3. Wilhelmus Petrus Van Meurs. Chestiunea Basarabiei in istoriografia comunista.Chisinau, 1996, p. 65
4. Ibidem: p.66.
5. 200 de ani din istoria romanilor dintre Prut si Nistru. 1812-2012, volum coordonat de Ioan-Aurel Pop. Chisinau, 2012, p. 69.
6. Ibidem: p.67.
7. 200 de ani din istoria romanilor dintre Prut si Nistru. 1812-2012, volum coordonat de Ioan-Aurel Pop. Chisinau, 2012, p. 58.
8. Dinu Postarencu. O istorie a Basarabiei in date si documente:1812-1940. Chisinau, ed. Cartier.1998, p. 5.
9. Ibidem, p. 6.
10. 200 de ani din istoria romanilor dintre Prut si Nistru. 1812-2012, volum coordonat de Ioan-Aurel Pop. Chisinau, 2012, p, p.63
11. Anton Moraru. Istoria Romanilor. Basarabia si Transnistria 1812-1993. Chisinau, 1995. p. 163.
12. Ibidem: p.172.
13. 200 de ani din istoria romanilor dintre Prut si Nistru. 1812-2012, volum coordonat de Ioan- Aurel Pop. Chisinau, 2012, p. 115.
14. De jure the recognition of the union was confirmed by the Treaty of Paris (28.10.1920)
15. Created in 1922.
16. Wilhelmus Petrus Van Meurs. Chestiunea Basarabiei in istoriografia comunista.Chisinau, 1996, p. 374
17. Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact signed in Moscow. Also known as Stalin-Hitler Pact.
18. Anton Moraru. Istoria Romanilor. Basarabia si Transnistria 1812-1993. Chisinau, 1995.p. 314.
19. Ibidem, p. 314.
20. Wilhelmus Petrus Van Meurs. Chestiunea Basarabiei in istoriografia comunista.Chisinau, 1996, p.195.
21. Istoria Romanilor, vol. VIII. Bucuresti, 2003, p. 572-573.
22. 200 de ani din istoria romanilor dintre Prut si Nistru. 1812-2012, volum coordonat de Ioan- Aurel Pop. Chisinau, 2012, p.155-157.
23. Hertza region was not demanded by soviets but subsequently occupied by soviet troops.
24. http ://www. rusia. mfa. md/diplomatic-relations- ro/
25. The text of the protocol in russian language is available on the following adress: http://www.cis. minsk.by/reestr/ru/index.html#reestr/view/text?doc=4
26. 200 de ani din istoria romanilor dintre Prut si Nistru. 1812-2012, volum coordonat de Ioan-Aurel Pop. Chisinau, 2012, p. 201.
27. Conflict started with a diversion organized by separatists near the Dubasari: Paraschiva Badescu. Conflictul din Transnistria/Republica Moldova dupa 20 de ani. http://revista.ispri.ro/wp-content/uploads/ 2012/09/17-30-Paraschiva-Badescu.pdf
28. 200 de ani din istoria romanilor dintre Prut si Nistru. 1812-2012, volum coordonat de Ioan-Aurel Pop. Chisinau, 2012, p. 202.
29. The text of the convention in romanian: http://tribuna.md/2012/01/04/doc-vezi-documentul- care-%E2%80%9Elegalizeaza%E2%80%9D-aflarea- trupelor-ruse-in-moldova/
30. War or Peace? Human Rights and Russian Military Involvement in the “Near Abroad” http://www.hrw.org/reports/1993/russia/#P169_26952
31. Istanbul Document. http://www.osce.org/mc/ 39569?download=true, p.237.
32. 200 de ani din istoria romanilor dintre Prut si Nistru. 1812-2012, volum coordonat de Ioan-Aurel Pop. Chisinau, 2012, p. 204.
33. 200 de ani din istoria romanilor dintre Prut si Nistru. 1812-2012, volum coordonat de Ioan-Aurel Pop. Chisinau, 2012, p. 204
34. Ibidem, p. 205
35. http://www.rferl.org/content/article/1075697. html
36. 331,8 US dollars from January 1, 2015.
37. http://www.hotnews.ro/stiri-esential-19542669- livrarile-gaze-pentru-republica-moldova-prin- conducta-iasi-ungheni-incep-miecuri.htm
38. 200 de ani din istoria romanilor dintre Prut si Nistru. 1812-2012, volum coordonat de Ioan-Aurel Pop. Chisinau, 2012, p.184-189.
39. Jones Eric. GagauziaS Strategic Point of Pressure, 31 march 2015 http://foreign-intrigue. com/2015/03/gagauzia-strategic-point-of-pressure/; Rinna TonyS Moldova, the EU and the Gagauzia Issue, 14 february 2014 http://neweasterneurope. eu/interviews/1097-moldova-the-eu-and-the-gagauzia- issue.
40. Igor Chiosa. Revista Societatii Istorico- Arheologice Bisericesti din Basarabia (1909-1934). Chisinau. Institutul de Studii Encilopedice, 2014, p. 88-89.
41. http://unimedia. info/stiri/video -episcopul-de- balti-si-falesti-marchel-face-agitatie-politica-pentru- pcrm-68476.html
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