Conceptual basis of post-war reconstruction strategy of Ukraine

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Lviv Polytechnic National University

Conceptual basis of post-war reconstruction strategy of Ukraine

Roik O.

Introduction

Today, Ukraine is going through the most difficult test in its recent history - a full-scale war with the Russian aggressor. In this war, we unfortunately have lost thousands of human lives and numerous destructions, including the loss of cultural heritage sites and documents documenting the crimes of the past, but we also have a historic victory - a united nation fighting for freedom.

Today, it is important to talk about the struggle and victory, and to understand the price we pay, and to do everything to prevent this from happening again. It is equally important to talk about how the war in Ukraine became a challenge for the world - a revision of all the world's rules of the game, in all spheres. We face the challenge of improving and renewing the concepts of national memory, which will allow us to unite Ukrainians around a common past. The basis of updating the concept of national memory should be: the process of rethinking the history of Ukraine in the European and world context; restoration of the durability of Ukrainian statehood and the formation and popularization of the pantheon of heroes and prominent figures; development of critical thinking as a key ability to resist imposed historical myths and resist propaganda.

Rethinking the history of Ukraine is both the return of our past to the European and world context, and the exclusion of orientation towards the imperial/Soviet/Russian tradition. The goal is the harmonization of the history of Ukraine, the construction of the concept of continuity - from the birth of Ukrainian statehood to the present, as well as the creation of a historical narrative of the unifying position of modern Ukrainians living in different regions of our country. Important in this is the development of criteria for evaluating historical characters - both those who directly created Ukrainian history and those who played an indirect role in it - taking into account the differences in humanitarian values of the 21st century and the period of their activity. The formation of national memory should take place in a broad public understanding and dialogue, which should be intensified even during the war. The initiation of a historical discussion is a sign of a healthy democratic process in a modern European state. The identity war will not end with the cessation of hostilities. This war will continue as long as Russia maintains colonial narratives, a culture of denial of Ukraine, and the desire to expropriate history. Therefore, Ukraine must take on the responsibility of helping to restore the national memories of Belarus and the enslaved peoples of Russia to overcome their totalitarian and colonial/imperial heritage [1].

Presentation of the main material

However, with the beginning of the large-scale Russian invasion, the influence of Russian propaganda in the historical sphere was largely neutralized. And the processes of reinterpretation of the past in Ukrainian society, which until then were hampered in every way by Russian propaganda and its agents in Ukraine, have accelerated significantly. As noted by the sociological group “Rating”, according to the results of a nationwide survey conducted at the end of April 2022, since the end of February 2022, as a result of Russia's aggression, there has been a sharp change in the views of Ukrainian society regarding any markers associated with the aggressor country. “Decommunization” and “derussification” of public opinion took place. For the most part, everything “Soviet” is now perceived as Russian, and accordingly - hostile. The main reason is the use of Soviet symbols and speculations on the “common” historical past by Russian propaganda in the war against Ukraine. As a result, Ukrainian national heroes and symbols began to return to the place of historical figures that were once significant and imposed by Soviet propaganda. Thus, as of the end of April 2022, Ukraine recorded the lowest rate of nostalgia for the collapse of the USSR in the history of observations (11%). They do not feel sorry for him - the absolute majority - 87%. One of the key changes in historical memory is a reassessment of the attitude to Victory Day on May 9. If by 2022 this holiday was perceived by the absolute majority (80%) of the adult population as having significant personal symbolism, then in 2022, for a large part of the respondents, it has moved into the category of relics of the past (36%) or everyday life (23%). Support for recognizing the OUN-UPA as participants in the struggle for the state independence of Ukraine has increased significantly: 81% support it, only 10% are against it. Since 2010, the support rate has increased 4 times, since 2015 - twice. In recent years, a positive dynamic has been observed in the attitude towards Ukrainian historical figures, around whom there were heated discussions in society even decades ago. In particular, the perception of Ivan Mazepa (in 2012 - 44%, in 2022 - 76%), Simon Petlyura (in 2012 - 26%, in 2022 - 49%) and Stepan Bandera (in 2012 - 22%, in 2022 - 74%) gradually improved). It is important that a positive attitude towards the ideologist of Ukrainian nationalism prevails today in the south-eastern regions and among those who communicate exclusively in Russian. More than 65% support the renaming of streets in Ukraine containing Russian or Soviet names. 71% - for the dismantling of monuments related to Russia. 62% are in favor of banning music from Russia on radio and television. At the same time, the initiative to remove works of Russian literature from the school curriculum is controversial (35% support, 30% do not support, 31% are neutral). As for the dismantling of monuments related to the history of the Second World War, the relative majority is against it (40%). 19% support this initiative, 36% are neutral about it [2].

Currently, the artistic activity of cultural organizations is undergoing a significant transformation due to Russia's aggression against Ukraine. There are urgent requests from society regarding the change in the direction of the repertory policy of cultural institutions, so there is a need to develop and create a new corpus of works and projects, which, in turn, requires separate funding or the full preservation of creative teams. In particular, it is about the need to create a Ukrainian-language national cultural product in conditions of limited resource potential, to reorient the repertoire to the socio-psychological support of the country, to promote Ukrainian voices and the Ukrainian agenda abroad, etc. There is a lack of complete and comprehensive information about the numerous damages and destruction of monuments and cultural institutions and educational institutions in the field of culture, in particular due to the lack of opportunity for citizens, local and state authorities to quickly record the damage caused by each city and settlement. It is necessary to understand how it happened that in the globalized world of the 21st century, when the memory of two bloody world wars is still alive, aggression of a scale not seen since 1939 became possible. Analogies with Nazi Germany almost a century ago do not answer the question of its causes, although some associations regarding the consequences are already visible [3].

This war is the first in the history of mankind, which takes place during the time of the existence of social networks, mobile phones from which you can control satellites, satellites themselves, from which you can see everything on earth, nuclear power plants, combat drones and other technological components of modern civilization. This is a completely different war than ever before, and already the first ten days of aggression speak very eloquently about what awaits these and future aggressors, if they do appear after the inevitable defeat of Russia. There are many political, psychological and technical reasons for this war.

But it seems that their very essence lies in the fact that twenty-two years ago, Russia was firmly stuck in the past.

While the world moved forward, not even taking into account bloody terrorist attacks and local conflicts based on religious or ethnic hatred, Russia went backwards.

Ukraine will definitely win. International funds will be created for the reconstruction of the destroyed infrastructure, and a tectonic shift will occur in the perception of our country in the world. We already feel the incredible support gained by our army and the unconquered people. If we keep the same spirit and unity even after the war, Ukraine will become different. In the context of the implementation of political and economic reforms, a lot was said about the fact that we have almost the last chance to make a leap into a new technological system, but no one imagined that this chance would come in the form of a war with Russia [3].

After the bombing of Kharkiv and the heroic defense of Mariupol, it is impossible to imagine a return to the debates surrounding the corrupt judicial system, the oligarchic model of political life, the tax system that stifles small businesses, but gives advantages lobbied through suitcases of money to individuals or companies. Inevitably, a complete and radical overload, a new Constitution and new laws on the Government and political parties, a fair Tax Code, maximum freedom of entrepreneurship and a social system returned to the people. All this can be done within months. But Russia will have to pay for everything - both political repentance and payment of reparations [3].

The generalizations of the work of leading scientists and practitioners, as well as the results of research of O.A. Melnychenko, allow us to single out the most important challenges that can be used in the Strategy of post-war reconstruction of Ukraine, namely [4, p. 142-143]:

The end of the war: the complete cessation of the use of all types of weapons by the Russian army and their withdrawal from the borders of Ukraine; conclusion of a peace agreement, where the national interests of Ukraine will be taken into account as much as possible; exchange of prisoners (with the exception of war criminals); demining the territory of Ukraine, liquidation of ammunition remnants; regulation of the mechanism of use/surrender of weapons by the population; appeal to international institutions regarding Ukraine's receipt of reparations and contributions from the Russian Federation, as well as to the international tribunal regarding the prosecution of all those involved in war crimes on the territory of Ukraine; return of Ukrainian citizens who were forcibly deported to the Russian Federation; facilitating the return of internally and externally displaced persons to their places of permanent residence.

Prevention of the renewal of military operations on the territory of Ukraine: conclusion of an interstate agreement with the participation of countries with a high political and military status (USA, Great Britain, Germany, France, China, Italy, Israel, etc.), which will regulate the mechanism of providing security guarantees to Ukraine from encroachments on its interests by the Russian Federation and/or other states; using the acquired image of the Ukraine's brand to strengthen one's own geopolitical position, and with it - reformatting the world security system (primarily, the formation of new interstate security associations, which will aim to prevent military conflicts); conducting a balanced and consistent internal and external state policy aimed at protecting national interests and finding compromise solutions on potentially conflicting issues; strengthening and as long as possible preservation of sanctions against the Russian Federation, which will continue to worsen the socio-economic and political situation in the aggressor country, and thus - restrain the restoration of its military potential; increasing the scope of cooperation with partner countries regarding the acquisition/purchase of modern weapons, ammunition and other means necessary for the development of the combat capability of the Armed Forces of Ukraine (hereinafter - the Armed Forces); the development of domestic enterprises of the military-industrial complex (hereinafter referred to as the military-industrial complex), which have significant potential for the development and production of modern weapons, ammunition and other military goods; reconstruction of military infrastructure objects (airfields, military bases, warehouses of weapons and ammunition, etc.); staffing of the Armed Forces with military professionals who are properly motivated and equipped with everything necessary for the defense of Ukraine.

Reconstruction of the national economy: transfer of public administration in the regions to civilians (but only to those who are able to ensure effective development of territories); formation of target funds (at the expense of international aid, reparations and contributions, issuance of state bonds “Reconstruction of Ukraine”); stimulating the “relocation” (evacuation) of industrial and other enterprises in the territory that was not significantly affected by the war with the Russian Federation; provision of tax and customs benefits for business entities that will increase investments in the reconstruction of industrial and other enterprises, social infrastructure objects, as well as the construction of social housing; preventing corruption and strict control over the rational distribution and use of resources intended for the reconstruction of territories and the real sector of the national economy; construction of new modern industrial enterprises (including military industry); audit of damaged housing, as well as industrial and social facilities; provision of social housing; fair compensation to the population of evidentiary facts of loss of their property (primarily, real estate) as a result of the war with the Russian Federation; construction of housing, as well as industrial and social facilities, taking into account modern standards of safety, energy saving, etc.

In the end, it should be noted that the reconstruction of the national economy must be preceded not only by the establishment of peace (primarily, on Ukraine's terms), but also by preventing the resumption of military operations on its territory, as this will devalue any actions aimed at the post-war reconstruction of Ukraine. And if we want to continue to maintain the support of the world community (the need for it, in fact, will only grow), then we must ensure compliance with the democratic principles of the implementation of domestic and foreign state policy. Further research should be devoted to the development of practical recommendations aimed at increasing the effectiveness of public management of the development of the Ukrainian economy and ensuring the national security of Ukraine. decommunization derusification nationalism

For Ukraine and the Ukrainian people, this war had a purely national and just defensive character; indeed, it is a war for the right to exist not only of the Ukrainian State, but also of the Ukrainian nation; war is for life, in all the deep meaning of this word! Such wars have never been and cannot be isolated only within the framework of confrontation between directly warring parties, but always in one way or another, to a greater or lesser extent, draw other states into their orbit, because in the globalized world, all political and economic players have their own interests and mutual interests bound by a number of both objective and subjective levers and factors. The world is already too mutually integrated, and the planet has become too small for modern wars to remain the problems of warring or competing adversaries only, and therefore these wars go beyond the old economic and territorial confrontations and also acquire a worldview (civilizational) level, as well as their comprehensive tragic - bloody consequences. Behind the scenes, the Russian-Ukrainian war goes beyond the scope of a bilateral conflict and reveals clear signs of a general crisis in the world security system, which will lead to a chain of global changes of planetary importance: not only the borders and power systems in Ukraine and Russia will change, but the beginning of a large-scale the transformation of the Eurasian space, the qualitative and territorial redistribution of trade and raw materials markets will begin, the established rules of the political worldview and relationships will undergo changes, the principles of social and political morality will be regenerated, the foundations of the globalist economy and the world security system will begin to be reviewed, the world order will be based on the changed rules of the game and begin to acquire qualitatively new configuration. The world will radically change, and it will be prompted by the Russian-Ukrainian war, its consequences and lessons [5].

Conclusions

Therefore, the post-war modernization program of Ukraine should be developed based on our vision of the future of Ukraine and the world. Assistance programs for Ukraine from the countries of the world (including an analogue of the Marshall program) must correspond to this vision, and when preparing them, it is necessary to take into account the mistakes of the similar program for the reconstruction of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which did not have a clear strategy and inefficiently allocated funds, and pay attention to the development of strong national institutions capable of effectively managing the modernization process. Therefore, the goals must be correctly formulated and, accordingly, the directions of international assistance should be determined, with special attention to structural reforms of the economy and technological renewal of the production sector. The Vienna Institute for International Economic Research (WIIW) believes that Ukraine has lost about 29% of Ukrainian production. Researchers from the Center for Economic Policy Research (CEPR) estimated the total cost of restoring Ukraine at 200-500 billion euros, which roughly corresponds to the calculations of the Ukrainian government [7].

The sources of finance necessary for the modernization of Ukraine can be frozen gold and currency reserves of Moscow, which the holder states can transfer to Ukraine (for this, it is necessary, taking into account the interests of the states that helped Ukraine, to build appropriate legal mechanisms: an agreement with Moscow, decisions of international courts, UN decisions or their combination); funds provided by the EU, other states or international institutions, as grants; own funds and contributions, reparations (it is also necessary to build a legal mechanism for their receipt); funds that are formed from the established % of the value of goods bought in or sold to Muscovy; private foreign and Ukrainian investments.

The creation of a model for the future of Ukraine must be carried out publicly in order to ensure the mobilization of the people for its implementation. The future of Ukraine must be built on the principles of spiritual, political and economic freedom, ensuring a balance of the interests of the individual, society and the state. The goal of the geopolitical strategy is the realization of one's own ethical and humanistic ideal and the formation of an innovative model of the development of Ukrainian society to establish Ukraine as a system-forming element of a universal world spiritual civilization that resolves the contradictions between Western and Eastern civilizations. The implementation of the Ukrainian civilization project should involve the use of a strategy of anticipatory development. Ukraine should turn into a state that creates innovations, fulfills its national vocation in terms of introducing its spiritual values into the modern world and affirming them in the process of life. In the search for Ukraine's place in the future world, it is necessary to combine national scientific theory and national myth with the aim of forming one's own spiritual, cultural, moral spaces and building a special system of worldview and world perception, which is capable of forming, both for world Ukrainians and for humanity in general, a new (extraterritorial ) ideology, which consists of a set of relevant symbols, customs, rules of life and behavior of people and involves the use of universal spiritual values in Ukrainian realities and conditions of post-industrial society. Ukraine can then be imagined as a synthesized spiritual space with a corresponding set of characteristics, which has its own boundaries, which may or may not coincide with its cultural, territorial, and political boundaries [4, p. 131-132].

Therefore, by combining ethno-historical stereotypes, ideological constructs and moral guidelines, the Ukrainian national idea can be presented as a project and strategy for the formation of the phenomenon of Ukrainian's, as a certain extraterritorial superculture with its own system of artifacts and symbols capable of creating a “world ideology”. The main directions of the implementation of the strategy of anticipatory development of Ukraine should be: in the economic sphere - the construction of an innovative “knowledge economy” and the adoption of a new method of production based on high technologies, complex automation, robotization and digitalization, as well as on private property of the labor type, when in one a person combines the producer and the owner, that is, the emphasis is not on maximizing profits, but on social responsibility in their distribution. Since the competitive advantages on which the development of the economy of Ukraine and its regions was built were leveled by the war, it is necessary to look for fundamentally new advantages and build a model of the modern economy.

References

1. Proposals of the Working Group “Culture and Information Policy” under the National Council for the Recovery of Ukraine from the Consequences of the War to the Recovery Plan of Ukraine (2022).

2. Sociological group “Rating” (2022).

3. Causes and consequences of Russia's war against Ukraine: what will happen next? Radio Liberty information service, March 6, 2022.

4. Public management and administration in conditions of war and postwar period in Ukraine: materials of Vseukr. science and practice conf. in three volumes, Kyiv, DZVO “University of Education Management” National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, April 15-28, 2022; ed. board: I.O. Degtyareva, V.S. Kuybida, P.M. Petrovskyi et al., comp. THEN. Miller. Vol. 3. K.: DZVO “UMO” National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, 2022. 158 p.

5. Gai-Nyzhnyk, P. (2022). Russian-Ukrainian war - war for life (2014-2022 RR.): PERIODIZATION Ukrainian Studies No. 1 (82). p. 51-76.

6. What will it cost to rebuild Ukraine? 11.04.2022.

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