On the formation of the capitalist industry in silk farming in the Shaki region of Northern Azerbaijan

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On the formation of the capitalist industry in silk farming in the Shaki region of Northern Azerbaijan

Mamedov A.A.

Sumgait State University

There is little information about the organization of capitalist syndication and production on the basis of handicraft in the agricultural state in the 19th century in Pivnichnoy Azerbaijan, and often in the towns in the middle. But in these creations, for a short period of time, there are few facts and figures for the provinces, and in some cases, there are few unfortunate incidents.

A significant role in the glory of our land was played by the production of different types of seam fabrics in Azerbaijan, stitched on the historical Shovkov Way, as well as the purchase of products by local merchants and foreign merchants, most importantly in European lands. .

In the Shekinsky region of Russia, zatsikavleny in the organization and expansion ofshovkivnitstvo in the country, the order to expand and develop this virobnistv was not immediately formed. The same manufactory was founded in 1829 in the village of Khanabad, planted in the Sheki district, not far from the city, on the edge of the low road Sheki-Yevlakh.

Zv'yazku with Padinnyam drink one of such pidprimvyv, Alexev, the power of the same firm at Moscow, in 1861 Rotsi Vidkriva at Sheki Nohovkova Factory, I was equipped with the Khulsh, I purchased it with the delivery of nonsense .

Shekinska shovkova factory for bagatma ostentatious was one of the typical textile industries like the empire, and th Europe.

In the other half of the 60s of the 19 th century, especially closer to the end, the activity of the other shovkovy factories in the Sheki region, the production was organized on a smaller scale, it weakened somewhat, and at the onset of the decade, it began to stabilize and increase.

The region of shovkivnitstva overcame other galuzi behind the same camp as in the regions, and in different galuzi. The specific aspects of capitalistic industrial manufacturing have entered a new stage of development, based on the traditions of the early manufacturing stages of manufacturing in the Sheki region, especially in shovkivnitstv.

In the other half of the 19th century, as a result of the formation of capitalistic industrialism in the brewery regions of Azerbaijan, the role of shovkovo industrialism among the industrial centers changed the appearance of the Sheki district, especially in the region.

Key words: Shaki, region, economy, industry, capitalism, sericulture, factory.

Мамедов А.А. ПРО СТАНОВЛЕННЯ КАПІТАЛІСТИЧНОЇ ПРОМИСЛОВОСТІ В ШОВКІРСТВІ В ШАКІНСЬКОМУ РАЙОНІ ПІВНІЧНОГО АЗЕРБАЙДЖАНУ

У працях групи дослідників історіографії Радянської та Азербайджанської Вітчизни мало відомостей про організацію капіталістичних відносин та виробництва на основі промисловості у сільському господарстві у XIX столітті у Північному Азербайджані, частково у містах з осередками аварій. Але в цих творах у кращому випадку наводиться мало фактів і цифр по губерніях, а в деяких випадках і з нещасних випадків.

Неабияку роль у славі нашого краю відіграло як виробництво різних видів шовкових тканин в Азербайджані, розташованому на історичному Шовковому шляху, так і закупівля продукції місцевими та іноземними купцями, переважно в європейські країни. .

У Шекінському районі Росії, зацікавленому в організації та розширенні шовківництва в країні, не відразу сформувалося ставлення до розширення та розвитку цього виробництва. Однойменну мануфактуру було відкрито 1829року в селі Ханабад, розташованому в Шекінському районі, неподалік міста, на краю нинішнього шосе Шекі-Євлах.

У зв'язку з падінням попиту один із таких підприємців, Алексєєв, власник однієї з торгових фірм у Москві, в 1861 році відкрив у Шекі нову шовкову фабрику, оснащену більш сучасним обладнанням через труднощі із закупівлею та доставкою необхідної кількості шовкової тканини з-за кордону. .

Шекінська шовкова фабрика за багатьма показниками була однією з типових текстильних промислових підприємств як імперії, а й Європи.

У другій половині 60-х років XIX століття, особливо ближче до кінця, діяльність дрібних шовкових фабрик Шекинського району, де виробництво було організовано в менших масштабах, дещо ослабла, але тривала навіть у наступні десятиліття вона стала стабілізуватися та збільшуватися.

Галузь шовківництва перевершила інші галузі за однаковим становищем як у регіонах, і у різних галузях. Специфічні сторони капіталістичного промислового виробництва вступили у нову стадію розвитку, засновану на традиціях попередніх мануфактурних стадій виробництва у Шекінському районі, особливо у шовківництві.

У другій половині XIX століття в результаті формування капіталістичної промисловості в північних районах Азербайджану провідна роль шовкової промисловості серед промислових центрів повністю змінила вигляд міста Шекі та особливо його району.

Ключові слова: Шеки, район, економіка, промисловість, капіталізм, шовківництво, фабрика

Introduction

Silk farming has been one of the profitable fields of activity in Azerbaijan since ancient times. Both the production of different types of silk fabrics produced in Azerbaijan, which is located on the historical silk road, as well as the purchase of products by local and foreign merchants, mostly to European countries, played no small role in the fame of our silk and our territory.

In this article, we aimed to examine the points related to the emergence of new, economically more progressive capitalist relations in the regions of Azerbaijan, starting from the 19th century, and the gradual transition of the field to the stage of factory industry. From this point of view, the investigation of the Sheki region, which was in a slightly different situation from the regions of North Azerbaijan and was distinguished by the formation and improvement of various crafts in the Middle Ages, was specially focused on.

A review of the reports prepared by the colonial authorities in the South Caucasus of the Russian Empire in the middle of the 19th century, and the publications containing other statistical figures, confirms these views once again. In the writings of a group of researchers in the historiography of the Soviet and Homeland of Azerbaijan, there is little information about the organization of capitalist relations and production on the basis of industry in agriculture in the XIX century in Northern Azerbaijan, partly in the cities with accident centers.

But in these writings, at best, few facts and figures are given for governorates, and in some cases for accidents. But it does not go further than that. Information and reports related to the problem and period in question can be found in many primary source publications. From this point of view, it is of great scientific importance to study those facts and bring them to the scientific periodical. In separate articles, some conclusions about the socio-economic situation of the region have been made, after the progress of the research has been reported. it can also be useful for dealing with some other issues.

The first step in sericulture. At the beginning of the 19th century, institutions operating under state control control natural services in Azerbaijan.

Historically, silk was mostly produced in Azerbaijan and local production of foreign silk cloths, as well as products and products bought by the foreign crown and exported to Europe, played a small role in the glory of our territory [3, c. 167].

Official statistical facts and figures of various art fields in Sheki, including the right of silk farming, were found for the first time in 1846 [4, c. 4].

Russia, which is interested in the organization and expansion of the silk industry in the country, has suddenly formed connections with the expansion of this field in Sheki. Just as the camera was caught after a few years of bureaucratic writings were left behind, not a few in every silk-growing area, but only in the Sheki region, a short distance from the city, in the village of Khanabad, on the side of the present Sheki- Yevlakh highway, has the same name in 1829. The opening of the manufactory took place [2, p. 79].

In most Russian sources and statistical reports, the name of the factory was not Khanabad, but Charabad. In the first years, 42 looms were used in the factory, specially ordered from abroad and fully compatible with the production technologies of silk factories in European countries. The results of the factory's first years of operation clearly demonstrated a number of technical advantages in terms of its ability to save quality, quantity, and cost of silk threads obtained by local artisan production [5, c. 379].

Thus, if a poud of raw silk produced by the Khanabad factory was sold for 150- 180 rubles, the selling price of one poud of silk thread obtained in the local handicraft form was 65 rubles [7, p. 501].

One of the remarkable aspects here was the fact that local producers recognized the superiority of the factory's production process, they were hired hers and, most importantly, they tried to learn the work rules with the new technology. In just a few years of the factory's operation, about 60 local craftsmen were able to master the process of weaving the purest silk fabric by obtaining the finest silk threads, which was a clear proof of the conclusion we were talking about.

The Khanabad factory was established in 1836 and was owned by the “Society for spreading silk farming and industrial trade in the Caucasus”, which was represented by Russian private capital, and continued the activity of Russian entrepreneurs for about 30 years. The choice of the city of Nukha as the activity center of the society was not a coincidence, it was favorable in all respects for the expansion of activity opportunities. During the Nukha activity of the society, in addition to the buildings dedicated to the organization of the production process, additional buildings were built for services and sales counters for the society.

Another event that accelerated the production of sericulture in the Sheki region was the “Sericulture Experimental School”, which began its activity on July 1, 1843. 30 students studied in the school, which operated in 1843-1863. Despite the diversity of the students' national composition, many of them later became the masters of their work, implementing the new rules of the production process in the newly opened silk factories. As can be seen from the report on the school's activity in 1848, 9 out of 24 students were Russian, 7 were Azerbaijani, 3 were Georgian and the rest were representatives of other national minorities [2, p. 80].

During the period of the school's activity, it had 236 graduates. As a whole, the school had special services in the organization of effective activities in the Sheki region, as well as in other sericulture regions of Northern Azerbaijan, and significantly helped to increase the participation rate of the representatives of the local population in the factories operating on the industrial basis of sericulture.

Of course, there were initiatives to open silk factories in Shamakhi and other regions of Northern Azerbaijan at that time, but unlike the factory-type manufactory in Sheki, most of them had a short life.

Khanabad manufactory had enough advantages over others. So, thanks to the newly purchased equipment and machines, the silk threads produced here differed from others in terms of both lower cost and higher quality.

Sheki silk factory. Due to the drop in demand, one such businessman, Alekseyev, the owner of one of the trading firms in Moscow, started preparations for opening a new silk factory equipped with more modern equipment in Sheki due to the difficulties of buying and bringing in the required amount of silk fabric from abroad. This source provides somewhat more detailed information about Sheki silk, which is considered one of the first steps towards the industrialization of sericulture in the Sheki region, and which was planted in the city in 1861 at the expense of the brothers M.Alekseyev and Voronin, compared to other sources.

So, without denying the information given about the factory in other sources, it is possible to follow a number of additional and important points along with the points corresponding to them. First of all, for the construction of the factory in the upper part of the present city, close to the natural sources of drinking water on the mountain, the advantages of coming to work from all parts of the city, which did not require much time, showed that this choice was not accidental.

Some time after the factory started working, its activity stopped for a while due to the already mentioned reasons, and I. Mirzayev, a businessman- trader from Tbilisi, was bought for 42 thousand rubles.

From the information given in the sources, it is clear that the Sheki silk factory was one of the typical textile industrial enterprises not only in the empire, but also in Europe in terms of many indicators. The non-operation of this enterprise for months, and sometimes for several years, on the one hand, negatively affects the condition of equipment, machines and devices, and on the other hand, hundreds of local people, who are often the only source of livelihood, become unemployed, and their socio-economic situation worsens.

Among the outstanding features of the factory, which differed from others in the work process, was primarily the operation of 192 state-of-the-art machine tools, which were specially ordered from Italy. On the looms here, the silk threads unwound from the cocoons passed through two elaborate wheeling machines, facilitating their assembly into conveniently shaped washes.

It should be noted that even if it is for a long time or for a while, the workers who are familiar with the convenient and efficient spinning technology by working in the factory will later learn from this experience, especially the washing process of the opened silk thread after passing it through 2 wheels, and other processes, even in the production of artisans. They tried to apply it. Even the owners of other large and small sericulture enterprises opened in the city and the surrounding areas, and often the foremen were employed, even if only for a short time, to reacquaint themselves with the working rules of the factory. Sometimes there were businessmen trying to bring with them the craftsmen and other specialists invited from Italy and France to the factory. However, the large amount of financial costs often led to the failure of these efforts. After getting acquainted with the supply of natural raw materials, production possibilities and other conditions of the regions engaged in the production of silk fabric in the

South Caucasus, the entrepreneur in question gave priority to the Sheki region, and later, for this purpose, established relations with the officials of the society that spread sericulture in the Caucasus. After these relations and preparatory work, which did not take much time, in 1861, the Sheki silk factory, which was considered one of the largest industrial enterprises in Europe for that time, was launched [1, c. 307]. The Sheki silk factory, which started its operation with the latest methods and 192 looms powered by a steam boiler, initially had an annual production capacity of over 1,000 long pounds.

Factory closure. Unfortunately, we have to note that the life of this enterprise, which is the largest and leading in the silk industry, which was formed simultaneously with mining and wine production areas in several districts of Yelizavetpol governorate in the Northern Azerbaijan regions, did not last very long. No matter how different the reasons may be, as a final result, the closure of the enterprise, which has been for some time, meant a decrease in the quantity of silk fabrics produced on an industrial basis, as well as a certain delay in the process of the formation of capitalist industry in the Sheki region.

However, although the results were varied, it could not prevent the opening of new silk factories in the region in general.

Perhaps, while opening new sericulture factories in the Sheki region, the flaws in the organization of the first sericulture factory here should have been taken into account by others.

Thus, for the reasons that we mentioned and for the reasons that we do not see the need to explain, the Sheki silk factory, which shows the formation of capitalist industry not only in the Sheki region, but also among other regions of Northern Azerbaijan, and which is also considered one of the first steps in this direction, was closed in 1865 after 3 years of operation. Announced that it was closed [1, c. 308].

The closing of the Sheki silk factory must have had certain consequences. First of all, the shutdown of the factory meant that the people who worked as wage laborers for 3 years were deprived of at least their only source of livelihood. On the other hand, it meant that factories were not opened as a more progressive form of organization of production, but that those already in operation were forced to stop their activities, at least in the Sheki region, they returned to the artisanal production method in silk production, or the artisans maintained their superior position for some time after that.

However, this situation could not last long and was temporary. In the second half of the 60s of the 19th century, especially near the end, the activity of small silk factories in the Sheki region, where production was organized on a smaller scale, weakened to a certain extent, but it continued, even in the following decades of the century, it began to stabilize and increase.

Another result of the closing of the Sheki silk factory was the closing of the society that spread silk farming in the Caucasus, which was opened in 1836. Despite the fact that the state and individual officials have provided numerous financial assistance to the society's activities, as well as granting concessional loans, the current situation, as mentioned above and not only in North Azerbaijan, the South Caucasus, but also in France, Spain, Italy and other countries engaged in sericulture, the following reasons led society to work with loss rather than profit.

Thus, no longer crowded out by factories, and under conditions where the incidence of working at a loss was reduced, silk-making workshops and artisanal silk-making even began to differ somewhat. Among the other reasons for explaining this situation, it should be mentioned first that, unlike large factories, the non-production costs of artisanal silk production enterprises are low, and the excess funds available to specialist management and service workers now directly enable the expansion and renewal of the production process.

We would like to dwell in detail on the purchase of Shaki silk factory in 1869 by another entrepreneur

I. Mirzayev, which is mentioned as one of the facts that prove this situation. One of the two reasons that prompted I. Mirzayev to take this step was that the factory was valued at half a million rubles, but he bought it for only 45 thousand rubles. The second reason, as we said, was the increase in the demand for silk fabrics in the market and the acquisition of new better quality and disease-resistant varieties of silk seeds.

However, the fate of Shaki factory in 1865 was repeated again soon. Thus, I. Mirzayev believed that in the current situation, the production activity of the factory cannot be fully profitable as expected. The full profitability of the factory's work required the purchase of silkworm seeds, the increase of the number of silk spinning machines, and the completion of other necessary organizational works.

As a result, the new entrepreneur's factory was closed again after almost a year of operation. We can give some thoughts about some of the consequences of the re-closure of the Sheki silk factory. Thus, the entrepreneurs of silk factories in Sheki and other South Caucasus regions, as well as those who intend to open new ones, have already determined for themselves that, first of all, in order to make the process of silk thread production more profitable, they must comply with new technical conditions, first of all, the rule of thread spinning machines to work with a steam boiler should be. Another conclusion was that the production process in the existing and newly opened silk factories was not allowed to be too extensive, to be precise, to have too many non-production costs, as in the case of the Sheki silk factory.

Taking into account the above, new medium-scale factories were opened in the South Caucasus, as well as in the traditional sericulture districts of Northern Azerbaijan, where the previous experience of the Sheki silk factory was taken into account.

The further fate of the factory. The later fate of the enterprise called Alekseyev's silk factory in Sheki was also interesting. So, after the factory was closed for the second time, until 1874, it remained almost completely inactive. Only in 1874, the factory was leased to another businessman M. Ganjinsev for a period of 5 years. Until the new tenant of the factory opened a new factory with the same purpose in 1879, the factory, which was the first harbinger of the formation of the Shaki silk capitalist industry, continued to work in its traditional form.

With this, the factory was closed for the third time. In 1884, the factory was leased to a new entrepreneur - M. Genjimsev for a period of 6 years, with the condition of paying income tax of 3,000 rubles per year.

The expectations of the new entrepreneur from the factory did not fully arise. Even though he invited specialists from Italy and France and brought new equipment, he still failed to achieve profitable operation of the factory, which has a wide range of technical production capacity and capabilities. The main reason was that the enterprise did not provide the required amount of raw materials, both local and imported, to operate at full capacity. This led to the fact that not all machines in the enterprise were used, but a certain part of them [1, c. 309].

As another aspect, the fact that the enterprise we are talking about does not operate all year round, but only for 7-9 months, had its effect on this situation. In addition, the funds spent on the wages paid to the workers, the financial resources given to the administrative management personnel and allocated to the necessary services to keep the steam boilers in constant working condition when they cannot work at full capacity, which is not much less than the costs incurred in the production process, also led to this.

The analysis of the figures on the results of the factory's activity allowed us to come to the conclusion that the factory during the period of its third entrepreneurs, even if it did not operate at a loss compared to the previous ones, in any case, it did not bring in the expected income. This, in turn, led to the suspension of the Sheki silk factory for the next time, and now for a longer period of time.

In the 70s and 80s ofthe XIX century and later at the end ofthe century, the next stage ofthe development of sericulture on industrial bases depended primarily on the supply of raw silk in the necessary amount, which would create more opportunities for the development ofthis field in North Azerbaijan. This, in turn, required the implementation of necessary measures in several directions in Aresh, Shusha, Goychay districts, where the traditions and experience of silk production are stronger, in Zagatala district, and especially in Sheki district, which has wider potential in this field.

It was also known that the implementation of these tasks will lead to positive progress in the financial well-being of the population, followed by the acceleration of economic development in the region.

In fact, contrary to what was expected towards the end of the century, the role of other subjective reasons was not small in at least delaying the establishment of this field on industrial foundations in the region. It would be appropriate to focus on one of them first. So, it can be said unequivocally that no one can deny that there are significant differences in both the quality and cost of the cocoons made by local producers and the fabric made from the silk thread produced from imported silkworms. However, the fact that large quantities of imported products require more costs, artificial obstacles and procrastination created by local administrative officials, on the one hand, and the danger of new diseases in silkworm seeds of the capital invested may not meet the expectations of income in the end, on the other hand, both local and foreign entrepreneurs limited his interests in the field.

One reason must be mentioned here is that if the Russian government takes special interest in the expansion of silk production in the middle of the century and in the following decades, it will create an incentive for the opening of a new silk factory in the entire South Caucasus, including the Sheki region, and the expansion of the scale of production in them. And provided other assistance, towards the end of the century, the retreat from their previous positions was clearly evident. This is acknowledged by irrefutable facts and entrepreneurs who are increasing their income with the development of the field.

The role of representatives of the national bourgeoisie in the silk industry. At this point, it is important to dwell on it in some detail, but at the same time, it would not be right to ignore a general problem that slows down the pace of development of capitalist industry, not only in sericulture, but in other areas of production. Thus, in the mentioned period, the positions of the national bourgeoisie were significantly weaker compared to foreign businessmen, the difficulties in transporting the finished product by means of transport until the construction of the Baku-Tbilisi railway in 1883, the opening of new silk factories due to the high cost of transportation, During the selection process, preference was given to the regions of Georgia and the North Caucasus, where the conditions were more favorable, along with the reasons mentioned above.

Another, perhaps the most important, reason limiting the degree of participation of foreign capital in the process of formation of capitalist industry in the regions of Northern Azerbaijan is the investment of more capital in this field after the organization of the open sale of oil lands, which greatly helped to overcome the existing difficulties in the oil industry, starting from the beginning of the 70s of the century. Was that they were interested.

Despite all this, the revival in the silk industry, which began in the mid-70s, was somewhat accelerated in the following two decades, despite the fact that the demand for silk fabric and products made from it in both domestic and foreign markets remained stable and at the same time increased slightly.

In the late 1970s and early 1980s, the silk produced in the Sheki silk factories was valued higher than others in the markets of the big cities of Russia, especially in the Moscow Stock Exchange.

Strengthening of production on industrial basis. Towards the end of the century, in the Sheki region, as in other areas, one aspect that encouraged the development of sericulture on an industrial basis should also be noted. It was their high cost that prevented the growth of silk factories powered by steam boilers. In this sense, the opportunity to manufacture and install steam boilers in machinebuilding factories in Baku, which are not inferior to their counterparts abroad, but whose cost does not exceed half, created favorable conditions for the opening of new silk factories in the region. In 1886, 8 silk factories using steam boilers were registered in Sheki, but after a year this number reached 12. Here, the increase in numbers was not limited to the increase of ready-made silk fabric, but also indicated other social innovations.

So, if in 1886, only 2 out of 8 silk factories belonged to representatives of the national bourgeoisie, and the rest belonged to entrepreneurs with Christian ethics, after the changes that occurred a year later, the number of silk factories owned by representatives of the national bourgeoisie became 4, and the number of those belonging to the latter remained unchanged [1, p. 320].

A review of the figures for the Sheki region in 1891 showed that the change in this matter has increased somewhat. Thus, at this time, the number of sericulture factories in Shaki where production was organized on industrial basis increased to 26, and 14 of them were known to belong to the representatives of the national bourgeoisie. This number indicated that new representatives of the national bourgeoisie joined the work of opening new silk factories.

It should be noted here that if we do not limit the comparison only to the Sheki region, but consider the nationality of other silk factory owners in North Azerbaijan, then we witness a slightly different picture. For comparison, let's note that in 1888, most of the 18 silk factories operating in the Karabakh region, which was not far behind the Sheki region in terms of the number of silk factories, were owned by representatives of the non-Muslim bourgeoisie [1, p. 320].

We have already mentioned to some extent the socio-economic consequences of the activities of the newly opened silk factories in Sheki region towards the end of the century. Let's add that despite the fact that the newly opened silk factories are mostly small and medium-scale, they are already able to create competition with large-scale factories in the region, thereby causing the dissatisfaction of Christian entrepreneurs.

There were also many advantages of silk factories that built their business on the basis of industrial sericulture. The operation of cocooning, drying, cleaning, sifting, picking and other departments within the factory greatly facilitated the harmonious continuation of the production process, the optimal sorting of the product, as well as the chaotic processes of the old, traditional factories.

In the sources, one can also find calculations about the costs of opening medium-scale silk factories in Sheki. In the 80s of the century, an entrepreneur who started a new activity in order to have 40-50 machines in his factory had to have at least 15 thousand rubles of capital, in addition, he had to spend another 20-25 thousand rubles on the construction of buildings and additional facilities for various stages of the production process. However, in the newly opened factories towards the end of the century, most of the businessmen managed to organize some stages of the production process in the open air, reducing the necessary financial costs by half, sometimes more.

The main consequences of the formation of the capitalistic industry in sericulture

Reviewing the number of silk factories, the number of steam boilers, weaving looms, workers and other indicators in the regions of Northern Azerbaijan where sericulture is practiced allows us to express certain opinions about the completion of the process of the formation of the capital industry in the Sheki region towards the end of the century, to make some comparisons and make conclusions.

So, after comparing and clarifying the information of different sources, it became clear that during the mentioned period silk production was mostly done in Sheki region, Shusha, Jabrayil, Nakhchivan, Goychay districts. There were 26 silk factories in the city of Nukha, together with the village of Vartashen and the area adjacent to the city, 16 in Shusha district with the city, 2 in Jabrayil district, 2 in Nakhchivan district, and 2 in Zagatala district [1, p. 324].

As can be seen from the figures, the number of 26 sericulture factories in Sheki city and its surrounding area was more than the total number of all remaining accidents, except Goychay accident. This is the quantitative side of the matter. At the same time, it should be taken into account that the production capacity of silk factories in Sheki region was higher than the same indicators of other regions.

However, there were also deficiencies in the organization of the subsequent processes of the production of silk produced by these factories. The production of silk clothing items, head coverings, decorative items in addition to clothing was almost non-existent. However, this type of activity could bring more profit. Now, let's compare the bi numbers by examining them in a slightly broader form.

The first result of their analysis is that the number of silk factories in North Azerbaijan, which includes Sheki region and Yelizavetpol governorate, where more than half of the finished product is produced, was 20 times more than Tbilisi governorate, 309 times more than Baku governorate, and 12 times more than Yerevan governorate.

However, in terms of the number of workers working in those factories, there was no significant change in the difference between the provinces. Looking at the figures of the research, our main conclusion was that important results were achieved in the direction of the formation of industrial capitalism in the Sheki region starting from the middle of the 19th century. It is true that the number of factories operating on an industrial basis rose to 2, and a little later to 3. The finished product, silk threads, produced by them are not inferior in quality to those produced by artisans, but the slightly lower cost level was the main reason for the constant demand for it.

The result

From our analysis, it became clear that the process of formation of the sericulture industry in the Sheki region was ahead of not only the region, but also the relevant indicators for the whole country in terms of a number of points. It became clear that the sericulture sector was ahead of other sectors in terms of the same situation both in regions and in various industrial sectors. The specific aspects of capitalist industrial production have entered a new stage of development based on the traditions of the previous manufacturing stages of production in the Sheki region, especially in sericulture.

In the second half of the 19th century, as a result of the formation of capitalist industry in the northern regions of Azerbaijan, the leading role of the silk industry among the industrial centers completely changed the face of Sheki city and especially its region.

As a result of the sericulture industrial production area, the region was in the first ranks in the country in terms of the formation of new social and economic relations. There is no doubt that the issues explored in this article, the savings and generalizations made, will lead to further research in this direction.

Bibliography

shekinsk silk factory textile enterprise

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