Official image-building communication of China in Ukraine during the pandemic and its impact on relations between the two countries

Examines the practice of using such formats of informational promotion as "social media" and "traditional mass media" to maintain the official image of China, particularly in the Ukrainian information space. Characteristics of stereotypes about China.

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Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv

Official image-building communication of China in Ukraine during the pandemic and its impact on relations between the two countries

S. Danylenko, Doctor of Political Sciences, Professor, Bai Lu, PhD Student

Kyiv, Ukraine

The article examines the practice of using such formats of informational promotion as "academic journals", "social media" and "traditional mass media" to maintain the official image of China, particularly in the Ukrainian information space during the COVID-19 pandemic (the time frame). Among other things, the authors analyze the opinions and comments of Ukrainian experts in the field of Sino-Ukrainian relations and international communications concerning the development of China's image among Ukrainian citizens. During the pandemic, China's public relations efforts in Ukraine allowed the PRC to avoid accusations of being "guilty" of the worldwide crisis. However, it is pointed out that the dissemination of image-building information about China in Ukraine is currently in its inception stage. A conclusion is made that at the time of the pandemic, no task has been set for those Chinese communication organizations and institutions that can promote wider participation of Ukrainians in the development of Sino-Ukrainian relations. Therefore, some stereotypes about China will continue to dominate the collective consciousness of Ukrainians. Negative stereotypes about China have been reinforced by critical information regarding the quality of Sinovac's CoronaVac vaccine supplied to Ukraine; such information has been published in Ukrainian media. This, however, is due to the global competition for vaccine markets. The situation was further exacerbated by the crisis around the Motor Sich Company. Hence, it is necessary to conduct outreach work without the mediation of third countries, particularly of Russia, which wage war against Ukraine and is not interested in Ukraine developing an allied relationship with any country, especially with a global leader like China.

Keywords: international communication, COVID-19 pandemic, official image-building communication, national media, public opinion, stereotypical thinking.

С.І. Даниленко, д-р політ. наук, проф., Лу Бай, асп.

Київський національний університет імені Тараса Шевченка, Київ, Україна

ОФІЦІЙНА ІМІДЖЕВА КОМУНІКАЦІЇ КИТАЮ В УКРАЇНІ В УМОВАХ ПАНДЕМІЇ ТА ЇЇ ВПЛИВ НА ВІДНОСИНИ МІЖ ДВОМА КРАЇНАМИ

Розглянуто практику використання таких форматів інформаційного просування, як "академічні журнали", "соціальні мережі" та "традиційні ЗМК" для підтримки офіційного іміджу Китаю, зокрема в українському інформаційному просторі під час пандемії COVID-19 (хронологічні рамки). Проаналізовано оцінки українських експертів у галузі китайсько-українських відносин та міжнародних комунікацій з питань формування іміджу Китаю серед громадян України. Під час коронакризи робота зі зв'язків із громадськістю Китаю в Україні досягла того, що Китаю вдалося уникнути тотальних звинувачень як "держави-винуватця" світової пандемічної кризи. Автори зазначають, що поширення іміджевої інформації про Китай в Україні перебуває лише на початковому етапі. Зроблено висновок, що на той час урядом Китаю не було поставлено окремого завдання перед відповідними китайськими комунікаційними організаціями та установами, що мають сприяти активізації участі широкої української аудиторії у розвитку китайсько- українських відносин. Таким чином, деякі стереотипи про Китай продовжуватимуть домінувати у колективній свідомості українських громадян. Негативні стереотипи про Китай посилювалися у зв'язку з критичною інформацією в українських медіа щодо якості вакцини CoronaVac виробництва компанії Sinovac, яка надходила до України. Це частина світової конкуренції за ринки збуту вакцин. Ситуація ускладнилася внаслідок кризи щодо "Мотор Січ". Отже, інформаційна робота має проходити без посередництва третіх країн, насамперед Росії, яка веде війну проти України і не зацікавлена у формуванні союзницьких відносин України з будь- якою державою, а особливо з таким світовим лідером, як Китай.

Ключові слова: міжнародна комунікація, пандеміїCOVID-19, офіційна іміджева комунікація, національні медіа, громадська думка, стереотипне мислення.

Introduction

Statement of a Problem. The Covid-19 pandemic can be called the heaviest crisis the world has faced since the World War II. The outbreak of epidemics and strict quarantine restrictions around the world are changing international relations. New problems of national resilience, self-discipline, psychological traits, tolerance, and critical thinking of the citizens of individual countries arise. The beginning of the anti-epidemic movement has brought global attention to the situation in China and its impact on all processes in the world. In the context of deteriorating relations between China and some Western countries concerning the issues of technology and information, this has also often contributed to the development of a negative public opinion. This crisis not only emphasizes the importance of strengthening external channels of information influence but also draws the attention of the Chinese government to external communication. It can be argued that the relevant measures of the Chinese government have been strengthened.

Objective. The author pursues the objective of demonstrating the communication channels through which the Chinese government promotes the idea of developing a positive image of the country abroad. This article contains an analysis of the issue as of the time before Russia's invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022. Therefore, it should be noted that this event and China's position on the war in Ukraine transformed the official efforts of information structures aimed at the development of a positive image of the Celestial Empire among the citizens of Ukraine.

1. Using academic journals as a means of communication, interaction with elites, and shaping a positive public opinion

Since the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and Ukraine on January 4, 1992, the deepening of mutual understanding between the two nations has been regarded as the key task in the development of Sino- Ukrainian relations. In 1999, Ukraine-China: Information Journal and Time Commentary (hereinafter - the "Ukrainian-Chinese Journal"), created by the Ukrainian Association of Sinologists, became the most representative evidence of information exchange between the two countries at the time and was called Research. Compass of Ukraine and China for new directions of cooperation in the 21st century [1].

As a pioneer in Sino-Ukrainian studies, the Ukrainian Association of Sinologists has long promoted Chinese achievements in local communities through the Ukrainian- Chinese Journal, presenting the Chinese model, analyzing the Chinese experience, and promoting humanitarian and academic exchanges between the countries. Its goal was to support Chinese leader Xi Jinping's Belt and Road initiative and actively promote it in Ukraine. Ukrainian-Chinese Journal played an important role in the development of mutual understanding and trust between the two nations. image china ukrainian information

During the epidemic, the Ukrainian Association of Sinologists published two impressive journals, China on the Frontlines of Coronavirus Control and Ukrainian and World Media News Monitoring Records. The journal tells about the Communist Party of China and the population of the country, the difficulties of uniting and making every effort to fight the epidemic, the warm sympathy and support of the leaders of the two countries, the touching moment of mutual support between China and Ukraine, as well as experts' analysis and opinions regarding a number of issues related to the epidemic. One of such experts, A. Honcharuk, senior researcher and chief consultant at the National Institute for Strategic Studies of Ukraine, made the following objective assessment of the efficiency of the socialist China in its fight against the epidemic, "In the face of severe crisis (onset of the pandemic), the international community has gradually realized that ideological stereotypes and speculations about "human rights" will only prevent us from effectively combating the threats." [2] At the same time, Beijing called for unity, putting aside sharp ideological differences.

Academic journals as a means of media communication are characterized by clear statements, usually having a deep exploratory meaning and a research nature. Such media play an important role in ideological guidance among high-level elites and audiences and are beneficial in controlling the direction of public opinion for the portion of the audience that is highly educated and ready to think critically.

A fairly extensive spread of departments of the Chinese language and literature in the leading universities of Ukraine located in different regions of the country, i.e. Kyiv (several universities, including the Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv), as well as Odessa in the South, Kharkiv in the East, and Lviv in the West, has a significant influence on the development of loyalty in the academic circles in Ukraine. This contributes to an even distribution of information in the regional centers of the country and to the studying of the Chinese language.

2. Using both social and conventional media to bridge the "upward" and "downward" information gaps

As some Ukrainian media have long been using different US and EU sources to gather information about China, this has led to errors and usage of distorted information by different strata of Ukraine's society [3].

After the outbreak, during the lockdown, the restriction of offline communication underlines the importance of social media. They have become a powerful means of communication between the government agencies and wider public, having served as a defense from malicious accusations and often biased statements by third parties. In particular, in December 2019, the Chinese embassy in Ukraine and a number of diplomats registered their official accounts on several social media, namely on Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram.

The goal is to communicate better with the world and highlight China's situation and foreign policy. Chinese officials hope to strengthen the communication and exchanges with the world through various means to improve mutual understanding [4].

In the context of the epidemic spread, SOCIAL MEDIA are more representative than traditional media and other KEY Chinese media. The bilingual exchange of information between China and Ukraine could provide a common ground and eliminate the misunderstanding of the Chinese news by the Ukrainian public, present China's official attitude more directly and clearly, as well as clarify the position of official Beijing. Allowing commenting of the posts also demonstrates the Chinese government's tolerance to outside voices, shattering the absolute stereotype that Chinese POLICY TO CONTROL THE EPIDEMICS is strictly dictated by the government's line. In this respect, Beijing sought to demonstrate the transparency and openness of China's efforts for combating epidemics, telling the story of China's struggle against epidemics through texts, images, videos, and other forms of presentation, as well as sharing China's experience in the struggle against epidemics and painting a picture of sincere friendship between the two countries. Citizens have established a window for direct dialogue, which has been gradually narrowing the mental distance between the Chinese and Ukrainian people. The most important thing is to eliminate the information gap between the government and the population, to implement the unity of information in order to expand the audience, and increase the popularity and influence of China in Ukraine. It can be assumed that the vague and wait-and-see attitude of official Beijing toward the Russian aggression has nullified the previous efforts of official Beijing to create a positive image of China as one of the key champions of the world's postpandemic recovery. Social media create emotional arousal: sympathy, fear, admiration, imitation. These emotions further influence the vital decisions through traditional media. In today's media sphere, new and traditional media adapt to each other both using their unique traits and benefitting from cross-platform cooperation [5].

Thus, in the face of traditional audience, the Chinese mission in Ukraine did interviews for major local newspapers and TV channels and used their local influence combined with social media outreach trying to maximize China's influence and to achieve a complete coverage of Ukrainian audience.

Against the backdrop of the pandemic, China's communication work in Ukraine has contributed to a positive recognition and appreciation of China by Ukraine's society.

Experts of the Ukrainian School of Sinology evaluated and commented on the development of Sino-American relations and Sino-Ukrainian relations in an interview to Ukrinform. V.O. Kiktenko, the head of the Department of the Asia-Pacific region in the Institute of Oriental Studies of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, O.A. Koval, board member of the Ukrainian Association of Sinologists, O.V. Drobotiuk, director of the Institute of Modern Chinese Studies named after B. Kurtz of the Kyiv National Economic University named after Vadym Hetman) [6] point out:

With regard to the information warfare in the context of the pandemic, China today is not what it used to be, and it has more financial support to develop external communication. In the face of the blow of public opinion from the Western media, China has changed its former behaviour of "silence" and "aphasia." "The state declares that China can fight back and tell its story to the world in different languages. Definitely, it has to radically change the preconceived impression of the old China created by the Western media (US, other EU countries) in the hearts of the Ukrainian people." However, this will require additional time, as well as additional efforts of governmental and educational organizations, the development of new information channels, and the willingness (on both sides) to avoid third-party influence. Still, we should admit that the prejudiced image of old China, which the Western media (USA, some EU countries) are used to creating, still influences the perception by the Ukrainian audience and prevents the development of positive view on the country among Ukrainian citizens. Western countries, dominated by critical news, have always been skeptical of the "prosperity" propagandized by the Chinese media and even considered it "fake news." It should be noted that the stereotype of China is deeply entrenched in Ukraine. This perception will be exacerbated by the debate over the quality of Sinovac's CoronaVac vaccine and the Motor Sich crisis. This is the issue to address in terms of information. It should be taken into account that Russia will use its influence in the Chinese information space in every possible way to impede the promotion of Sino-Ukrainian cooperation.

China was the first country to develop a treatment plan and promote it across the world. Domestically, China's rapid and effective response to the spread of the epidemic has won a high degree of trust and cooperation from the Chinese people. Internationally, while some Western politicians have suggested national protectionism in selling Western-made vaccines abroad, the Chinese government has shown a great deal of cooperation with other countries and offered its own vaccine. This is a strong image-building move that was intended to further promote the positive image of the country internationally.

The U.S. Strategic Approach toward China proposed by the U.S. White House on May 20, 2020, has clearly demonstrated the political stance of the United States, that is, if China is considered the KEY OPPONENT and source of threat, this approach should be taken in all areas, including trade and the pandemic. In this regard, Oleksii Koval (director of the Ukrainian Society of Sinologists) believes that it seems to be only wishful thinking on the part of the United States, because even though China is the second most powerful force in the world, it has never claimed "world hegemony". It has never been a part of any political or other alliances. Instead, China CONSIDERS a multipolar world model without any "leaders" (be it the US or any other country), seeks to promote the seemingly neutral concept of a Community of Common Destiny, actively promotes global economic integration and strives to be open and inclusive to its own best judgement. These principles are reflected in the Belt and Road initiative. It can be said that China has never been aggressive toward other countries. Thus, all that is being done around the country is seen by its officials as an attempt to force China to take certain actions. At the same time, PRC does takes heed of such attempts to make sure they do not cause misbalance or embroil the state in geopolitical instability.

As to the Hong Kong National Security Law, a Ukrainian expert Viktor Kiktenko, the head of the Asia- Pacific Department of the Institute of Oriental Studies of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, stressed that Hong Kong has been a sovereign territory of China since it has been returned to China as a former British colony in 1997. He also stated that this law does not encroach on any rights or freedoms of Hong Kong residents, only establishing that terrorists and separatists are criminals. That is, this law acts against external forces that tried to use the unrest to undermine the internal stability of China. The situation in Hong Kong can indeed affect the security of China as a state [7]. It is said that some politicians, e.g. from the UK and the US, are currently pressuring international public opinion on the Hong Kong National Security Law to try to undermine China's national sovereignty and engage in separatism. This pressure justifies the need for adoption of national security legislation that uses the laws to combat the West's efforts to curb China's development, in addition to protecting the country's national sovereignty. Concerning the issue of information security, in a recent study of the impact of destructive information on social and political processes the Ukrainian international communications expert S.I. Danylenko emphasized, "Information sources can undermine the social stability of a state from within and thus serve the interests of external actors. Under such conditions, initiatives aimed at control of security issues in the information sphere by national governments and representatives of a civil society gain special importance." [8]

Consequently, under the destructive influence of the public opinion of a part of the western society, primarily politicians, on China's national security, the Chinese government inevitably and necessarily must implement the Hong Kong National Security Law. China's stance in terms of its national interests in this matter looks reasonable and principled from Beijing's perspective. We can firmly assume that China will continue to pursue the same policy in this matter. At the same time, the Chinese government will intensify international information efforts to promote its national interests regarding both the issue of Hong Kong and the issue of Covid-19.

Olha Drobotiuk, the director of the Institute for Contemporary China Studies named after B. Kurts of the Kyiv National Economic University named after Vadym Hetman, says that tensions in the Sino-US relations and the trade war also open up some opportunities for the developing countries. This is especially true for Ukraine, which can strengthen its position in the Chinese market by providing substitutes for imports from the United States. These countries could also fit into new production chains in the United States or in China. In this case, everything would depend on the public policy and sentiments prevailing in the business communities of such countries, so strategic planning is very important. In times of crisis and trade war, Ukraine's position in the world will depend on the commodity market environment, government policy, and actions of the country's business community [9]. This article was published before Russia's open invasion of Ukraine, so some of these proposals have to be revised in view of the increased ambiguity of Ukraine-China relations.

Recently, the Chinese Ambassador to Ukraine, Mr. Fan Xianrong, published an article in a special issue of the 2000 Weekly stating, "Due to the adverse impact of the epidemic, international trade has significantly decreased this year. China's trade turnover with some countries has also been affected severely. However, the good news is that trade turnover between China and Ukraine is growing rapidly, defying international pressure, and witnessed a 19,12% increase during the first seven months, while Ukraine's exports to China increased by almost 70,26%, which shows the great vitality, sustainability, and potential of trade and economic relations between China and Ukraine. China is not just Ukraine's largest trade partner; it has also become the leading importer of Ukrainian products and has made an important contribution to the economic stability of Ukraine amid the the epidemic." [10]

At the same time, the President of Ukraine V. Zelenskyi also said in an interview to Xinhua news agency, "Ukraine wants to develop the strategic partnership between Ukraine and China further and is willing to cooperate with China in the areas of economic and trade cooperation, the Belt and Road initiative, overcoming the new coronavirus epidemic, and cultural exchanges. The implementation of extensive cooperation and striving for a new level of relations between UKRAINE and China is relevant in a new era. Cooperation between Ukraine and China has great potential. China is Ukraine's largest trade partner, and the total volume of bilateral trade between Ukraine and China is expected to grow." [11]

Modern information and communication technologies are recognized as one of the tools of conducting diplomatic activities and promoting national interests of STATES globally.

In the international arena, strategy, tactics, and timely support of foreign policy interests depend on consideration of the influence of international exchanges on the interaction between countries, because foreign policy determinants are strategies that shape and maintain a positive image of the country (i.e. Foreign Communication Strategies) [12].

The main achievements of China's efforts in Ukraine at the first stage of the epidemic (before the Sinovac vaccine and Motor Sich crisis) were as follows: 1) targeted development of the image of new China and demonstration of transparency and openness of the country; 2) establishment of more direct communication with the wide audience in Ukraine; 3) expansion of official Chinese information channels; 4) promotion of a healthy public opinion environment and positive perception of China in Ukraine; 5) promotion of the Community of Common Destiny, Socialism with Chinese Characteristics, and Belt and Road initiatives.

3. The impact of the nationalization of Motor Sich on the future national images of China and Ukraine

A real test of both bilateral relations and mutual positive perception of the two counties was the decision of the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine to renationalize Motor Sich, a company of strategic importance to Ukraine's national security. Such a move by the Ukrainian government must undoubtedly be seen as a pause taken to reconsider the relations between Ukraine and China but in any case not as their termination. The decision was taken right before the pandemic outbreak that made the peoples to push some complicated matters aside.

Motor Sich from Zaporizhzhia is a world-renowned manufacturer of aircraft engines and gas turbines. Prior to this, investments and cooperation between Chinese enterprises and the company were repeatedly blocked. In August 2020, Beijing Skyrizon and DCH Group jointly applied to the Antimonopoly Committee of Ukraine for the purchase of Motor Sich shares, but the application was rejected. Before the aforementioned deal took place, the Chinese company had purchased more than 50 percent of the company. According to the Global Times, in December 2020, due to Ukraine's violation of the terms of the agreement on mutual protection of investments with China, the Chinese investor, Motor Sich Company, filed for international arbitration against the Ukrainian government, claiming compensation amounting to USD 3,5 mln from the latter. On January 28, 2021, the President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelenskyi signed a decree of the National Security and Defense Council. Four Chinese companies, including Beijing Skyrizon Aviation Industry Investment Co., Ltd. and three Chinese citizens were sanctioned; their assets were frozen and they were subjected to trade restrictions.

Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Zhao Lijian stated that China demands that Ukraine protects the legitimate rights and interests of Chinese investors in accordance with the law and addresses relevant issues properly. Given the discussion tone, the Chinese government has not explicitly criticized the decision of the Ukrainian government in this matter. Official Beijing refrained from making direct statements that might have brought more media attention to the situation, making it more emotionally charged and thus potentially creating a conflict. China has remained faithful to its traditional and effective tactic of refraining from harsh public actions, focusing on situations that should be handled "keeping a cool head".

According to the authors' observations from reports on the incident in major Chinese media outlets, such as People's Daily, Global Times, Xinhua News and The Observe, the Chinese media community was "objective" about the Ukrainian government's will in respect of Motor Sich. The problem is that the conflict can be used by a third party, namely the Russian Federation that has already begun highlighting this situation in the media it controls [14, 15].

Further, it may be purposefully or accidentally replicated in the Ukrainian and Chinese media. This will create a bad backdrop for the relations between the governments of Ukraine and China and will have a negative impact on the perceptions of regular citizens. This situation may be exacerbated by the deployment of propaganda against Sinovac's CoronaVac vaccine. Russia will try to use the temporary problems to spread misinformation about the poor quality of the vaccine from China in order to try to promote its SPUTNIK-V in the Ukrainian market.

Ukrainian experts note that this "will be a heavy blow to Ukraine's investment environment [16, 17, 18].

According to observations, the Chinese media repeatedly quoted comments by experts from Ukraine and Russia in the Motor Sich report. The key messages were as follows:

1. Renationalization of Motor Sich has been a heavy blow to Ukraine's investment environment and will cause huge losses to Ukraine's economy (including the possible reimbursement to Chinese investors amounting to about USD 3.6 billion). China will take a more conservative and cautious approach toward investing in Ukraine. Chinese side now is sure that any investment in Ukraine requires political protection, as otherwise foreign investors could at any time become victims of geopolitical struggle.

2. Ukraine's main ally is the U.S. This means that Ukraine's government will ask Washington for help in the settlement of the Motor Sich issue. The situation is especially complicated given that this issue has to do with very sensitive dual use technology owned by Motor Sich, which can entail a "proxy conflict" between China and the U.S. PRC must remember that Ukraine will, first of all, accommodate the "concerns" of the U.S. when making further decisions, especially in the context of Russian aggression.

Beijing did not commit direct attacks or criticize the Ukrainian authorities over the nationalization of Motor Sich in the relevant reports of the main national media. Ukraine also faced a dilemma in this incident, trying to keep its mutually beneficial relations with the countries that compete each other.

Based on the above, the impact of the Motor Sich incident on the future development of the national images of China and Ukraine may be as follows:

Impact on Ukraine's image in China: as Ukraine considers the United States its key ally in the West, the image of Ukraine's "independence" will become more blurred, so trust in the country will also decrease. Opponents of Ukraine outside China will continue to exploit the negative narrative that Ukraine is a "failed state."

The impact on China's image in Ukraine: the nationalization of Motor Sich by the Ukrainian authorities on the ground that it is of strategic importance to Ukraine's national security, and sanctions against Chinese investors inevitably feed the "Chinese threat theory." This also raises the question of strengthening the information work of the relevant state authorities of China and Ukraine.

Conclusions

Thus, before the events described above occurred, against the backdrop of struggle against the pandemic, the official external communications of China created a favorable environment for the development of positive public opinion concerning the further cooperation and exchange between China and Ukraine. Efforts of China's official media to build an atmosphere of solidarity and mutual assistance, trust, openness, and friendship between the two countries were aimed at promoting comprehensive development of strategic partnership between China and Ukraine. First and foremost, this included establishing political ties between the countries at the highest level, as well as strengthening the connection between the parliaments and political parties. This policy was also aimed at encouraging Ukraine to proactively expand its involvement in PRC's projects [13]. Even in spite of the crisis aspects created by the Russian invasion of Ukraine, and at the time of writing this article, such official policy of communication is maintained.

However, it should be noted that China's information presence in Ukraine is often limited to the official, formal level. This approach does not fully cover those parts of Ukraine's society that could become the target audience for Beijing's powerful media. This means that China's external communication policy has to outgrow the limits of official audience. It might seem that currently such a task is not considered to be that of Chinese communication structures, which should actually work toward the involvement of the Ukrainian audience into the development of Ukrainian-Chinese relations. That is why some stereotypes about China persist in the collective consciousness of Ukrainian citizens.

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13. About the "new window of opportunity": Ambassador Serhii KAMYSHEV: In recent years, Ukraine has failed to make every effort to develop its relations with China. Day newspaper, URL: https://m.day.kyiv.ua/uk/article/den- planety/pro-nove-vikno-mozhlyvostey (accessed on 11.06.2020).

14. Ukraine has decided to re-nationalize Motor Sych. News BFM. URL: https://www.bfm.ru/news/467065 (accessed on 12.03.2021).

15. The lawsuit over Motor Sych has turned Ukraine into a battleground between the United States and the People's Republic of China. Economy Today. URL: https://rueconomics.ru/482957-isk-iz-za-motor-sich-prevratil- ukrainu-v-mesto-skhvatki-ssha-i-knr (access date: 07.12.2020).

16. "We need to end up with the mess!" What will happen if Motor Sich is nationalized. Business capital. URL: https://www.dsnews.ua/ukr/ economics/nado-konchat-bardak-chto-budet-esli-nacionalizirovat-motor- sich-09032021-417919 (access date: 09.03.2021).

17. The expert spoke about the consequences of the possible nationalization of Motor Sich. News Prime. URL: https://1prime.ru/state_ regulation/20210311/833217771.html (access date: 11.03.2021).

18. Financial sanctions for the expropriation of Motor Sichi are unsustainable for Ukraine, - RBC-Ukraine News expert. URL: https://translate.google.cn/?sl=auto&tl=uk&text=%D0%A0%D0%91%D0%9A- %D0%A3%D0%BA%D1%80%D0%B0%D1%97%D0%BD%D0%B0%0ARU %20UA&op=translate (access date: 15.03.2021).

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