Russian Prefixed Verbs of Falling from the Lexical Typology Perspective

Prefixes in correlation to the physical frames. Correlation of prefixes and types of Trajector. Complete and incomplete falling in correlation to prefixes. Prefixes in correlation to the metaphorical frames. Prefixes in correlation to the stative frame.

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(21) Мы помним, как Египетский мост [Trajector] провалился при проходе по нему конной воинской части.[Д. А. Засосов, В. И. Пызин. Из жизни Петербурга 1890-1910-х годов (записки очевидцев) (1976)]

We remember how the Egyptian bridge [Trajector] collapsed when cavalry troops were passing over it.

6. Prefixes in correlation to the metaphorical frames

Apart physical meanings of the verbs of falling with the roots -val-/ -rukh-/ -past- the metaphorical meanings were taken into account. These meanings were also distributed among the metaphorical frames (Rakhilina, Reznikova & Ryzhova, 2019b in preparation). The metaphorical meanings assigned to seven frames are represented in Table 2. These metaphorical frames are described in details in the following sections.

Table 2. Frame distribution of the metaphorical meanings

Prefix

i. less is down

ii. loss of functionality in humans

iii. destruction

iv. abruptness

v. resulting contact with ambience (fall inside)

vi. falling out/being outside

vii. stative

?

valit`sya (die in large numbers)

valit`sya (come in crowds, overload)

valit`sya (poure)

valit` (come in crowds)

valit`

(poure)

ruxnut`sya

(be destroyed)

rushit`sya (fall to the ground, be destroyed)

rushit`sya (overload)

ruxnut` (come down, recede)

ruxnut` (be destroyed)

past` (fall, lapse, sin)

past` (die in large numbers, lose)

past` (befall)

padat` (come down, recede)

padat` (die in large quantities, be destroyed)

padat` (befall, be on a certain date)

padat` (fall (about the light))

pri-

privalit` (come in crowds, overload)

pripast` (appear suddenly)

raz-/ras-

razvalit`sya (be destroyed, break down)

razvalit`sya (recline at ease)

raspast`sya (be destroyed, break down)

razrushit`sya (be destroyed)

u-

upast`

(drop)

upast` (appear, overload)

vy-

vy`valit` (come in crowds)

vy`valit`sya (appear suddenly)

vy`past` (befall, be on a certain date)

vy`past` (appear suddenly)

ot-

otvalit`sya (faint)

otvalit`sya (become irrelevant, stop participating)

otvalit`sya (lean back)

otpast` (become irrelevant, stop participating)

s-

sovpast` (coincide)

svalit`sya (drop)

svalit`sya (feel sick)

svalit`sya (overload, appear suddenly)

spadat` (recede)

spadat` (disappear)

pro-

provalit`sya (drop)

provalit`sya (fall into (sleep, depression))

propast` (be a lost cause)

propast` (expire, become not valid, be wasted)

propadat` (spend a lot of time)

pere-

perepast` (decrease)

perepast` (to get something)

po-

povalit` (come in crowds)

porushit`sya (be ruined)

popast`

(appear, come across)

popast` (get in, get caught)

popadat' (die in large amounts)

popast`sya

(come across)

popast`sya

(be caught)

pod-

podvalit` (come in crowds)

podpast`

(lose weight)

podpast` (come under (the influence, a spell))

do-

dopadat` (reach)

za-

zavalit`sya (come over)

zapast` (become hollow)

zapast` (stay (in memory))

v-

vvalit`sya (become hollow)

vpast` (become hollow)

vpast` (fall into (sleep, depression))

o-/ob-

opast` (decrease)

opast` (be destroyed)

obvalit`sya
(collapse)

obvalit`sya (be destroyed)

obrushit`sya (collapse)

obrushit`sya (be destroyed)

obrushit`sya (appear suddenly, overload)

na-

navalit`sya (appear suddenly, overload)

navalit` (come in crowds)

narushit`sya (be ruined)

napast` (come across)

In addition to the existing frame structure for the metaphorical meanings two other frames were added: viii. failure and ix. disappearance (Table 3).

Table 3. Two additional categories to the existing frame system

Prefix

viii. failure

ix. disappearance

?

valit`sya (fail)

pro-

provalit`sya (fail)

provalit`sya (disappear)

propast' (be screwed)

propast`(disappear)

za-

zavalit`sya (fail)

During the analysis of correlation between prefixes and metaphorical frames it is also important to understand what these metaphorical frames derive from.

6.1 Prefixes in correlation to the `less is down' frame

This frame represents decreasing of any type of Trajector which can be measured by some scales. These scales can be:

1. Objective: for prices, currencies, shares, temperature, blood pressure etc.

2. Subjective: sinning, certainty, face (when losing weight) etc.

5 out of 8 prefixes (s-, pro-, za-, v-, o-/ob-) used with the verbs in the `less is down' frame have been already described in the previous sections of this work as Goal-oriented prefixes which was a typical feature of `falling from an elevated surface frame'. As this metaphor covers moving down motion the Goal, or more like Landmark (down) is incorporated into the frame and prefixes with the corresponding semantics are used.

This metaphorical frame is the closest to the `falling from an elevated surface' frame according to the motion which this metaphor depicts. Moreover, 12 out of 14 verbs in the `less is down' have direct meanings in the `falling from an elevated surface' frame. Only zapast` (become hollow) (Example 22) and vpast` (become hollow) (Example 23) do not originate from the `falling from an elevated surface' frame.

(22) Глаза, щёки запали. [Большой толковый словарь]

Eyes, cheeks became hollow.

(23) Щёки впали. Впала грудь. [Большой толковый словарь]

Cheeks became hollow. Breasts became hollow.

In these examples Trajector is a part of a human body and the verbs of falling here represent `losing weight' which is considered to belong to the `less is down' frame. However, prefixes v- and za- definitely describe a motion from the `resulting contact with ambience (fall inside)' frame. This conflict occurs due to the deep metaphorization of the lexemes zapast` (become hollow) and vpast` (become hollow) that they lost their meaning of actually `being into container' and gained the `losing weight' meaning.

6.2 Prefixes in correlation to the `loss of functionality in humans' frame

This frame describes animate Trajectors (people, animals) who become tired, ill or dead due to different factors: cows die because of famine, people get sick because of a disease etc. This frame is anthropocentric and the main factor is the loss of vital energy which Trajector needs to keep living. However, there are some metaphorical shifts towards inanimate objects as for web servers going down.

Here no obvious bonds with any of the physical frames can be notices, however, the idea of this metaphorical frame is most probably associated with Goal-oriented (or terminal) semantics when the level of vital energy goes down that animate Trajector loses its functionality (Examples 24-25). It is also supported by the used prefixes: ot-, s-, pro-, po-, v- which as it was mentioned before are Goal-oriented (or resultative) prefixes.

(24) Кто тебе тогда банку малины принес, когда ты свалилась с температурой? [Екатерина Завершнева. Высотка (2012)]

Who brought you a jar of raspberry when you came down with a fever?

(25) И всё моё жильё прокуривали так, Что мухи падали… [Григорий Горин. Иронические мемуары (1990-1998)]

And all my apartment was filled with so much tobacco smoke that flies would die.

However, all the metaphors in this frame (valit`sya s nog (be dead-tired), past` v bitve (fall in a battle), otvalit`sya (faint), svalit`sya s temperaturoj (come down with fever), propast` (be a lost cause) etc.) are inconsistent in their representation and it is almost impossible to refer to an original physical frame. It can be due to the fact that these metaphorical meanings have been deeply metaphorised and it is not possible to refer to the direct meanings of the verbs anymore.

6.3 Prefixes in correlation to the `destruction' frame

As it is described by Rakhilina, Reznikova & Ryzhova (2019b in preparation) the `destruction' describes “something massive and sophisticated, which was suddenly destroyed under external impacts or inner reasons”. These artefacts are states, castles, regimes, businesses, relationships etc.

According to the data of this study, 8 out of 12 verbs in this metaphorical frame have their direct meanings in `crashing down' frame, which gives a reason to make an assumption about the origins of this frame.

Apart from typical for `crashing down' prefixes raz-/ras- (with Crush-meaning (Janda & Nesset, 2010)) and o-/ob- (with reflexive motion) there are verbs with prefixes pro-, po- and na-. Po- and na- are used with the root -rukh- which is the most frequent in this metaphorical frame and `crashing down' physical frame. Thus, in these two cases semantics of the root overtakes and prefixes are more aspectual than having semantic impact.

However, the case with prefix pro- may require closer observation (Examples 26-27).

(26) Что она могла добавить. Билет пропал. Снежана сбежала с Олегом. [Токарева Виктория. Своя правда // «Новый Мир», 2002]

What could she add. The ticket was wasted. Snezhana eloped with Oleg.

(27) "Ну почему никто не пьёт эту водку, её ведь надо будет кому-то выпить, чтобы она не пропала?" [Олег Павлов. Карагандинские девятины, или Повесть последних дней // «Октябрь», 2001]

Why is nobody drinking this vodka, it should be drunk not to be wasted, shouldn't it?

According to the Russian Grammar (Shvedova, 1980) pro- has the following meaning: <loss, colloquially>. In Examples 26-27 the verbs propast' (go off) has this meaning when the quality of being fresh, needed, valid, vacant is lost. Thus, this meaning is not spatial but rather temporal. This example shows that semantics of the prefix bears the meaning and puts the verb into `destruction' frame.

6.4 Prefixes in correlation to the `abruptness' frame

The `abruptness' frame in this study includes the following subtypes of metaphorical falling:

1. SUDDEN OCCASIONS: popast`sya na glaza (come across), obrushilsya uragan (a hurricane struck)

a. Unhappy occasions: obrushit`sya, navalit`sya, svalit`sya (overload), vy`past' na dolyu (befall somebody)

b. Happy occasions: schast`e perepalo (get lucky), vy`pal shans (I had a chance), perepalo deneg (I got some money)

2. COME IN CROWDS: narod privalil (people came in crowds)

3. EVENTS ON THE TIMELINE: padat` na chetverg (be on Thursday)

4. COINCIDENCES: sovpast` (coincide)

5. INTERACTION BETWEEN (PEOPLE, OBJECTS, ANIMALS): upast' / napast' na sled tigra (to come across tiger prints), volki dopali do korovy (wolves reached a cow)

All these subtypes represent either dynamic metaphorical motion with one direction (SUDDEN OCCASION, COME IN CROWDS, INTERACTION BETWEEN) or stative punctual action (EVENTS ON THE TIMELINE, COINCIDENCES).

10 out of 21 verbs of `abruptness' frame have their direct meaning in `falling from an elevated surface' frame, which makes one assume that this is the closest physical frame for this metaphorical meaning. Mostly Goal-oriented prefixes (all the prefixes were discussed above) are used with the verbs of this frame (pri-, u-, vy-, s-, pere-, po-, pod-, o-/ob-, na-, do- Prefix do- has not been discussed in this work yet. According to Janda (1986) the end point (Goal) is present in the configuration of do- which suits `abruptness' frame meaning.). Also, prefixes u-, s-, vy- and pere- have Source incorporated in their semantic meaning (as it was discussed above). All the sentences from the collected database which include verbs from `abruptness' frame were checked for their Sources and Goals (Table 4). Therefore, it is possible to say that in `abruptness' frame the vertical falling is a prototype falling where Goal is mostly incorporated into semantics, while Source is rarely incorporated into semantics. Moreover, it supports the hypothesis that prefixes and the main patterns of physical frames can prescribe patterns in derived metaphorical frames.

Table 4. Source and Goal in `abruptness' frame

Prefix

iv. abruptness

Source

Goal

?

valit`sya (come in crowds)

na zemlyu (to the lands)

valit` (come in crowds)

na ploshad' (to the square)

rushit`sya (appear suddenly)

na zemlyu ([rain] falls to the ground)

past` (befall)

na vsyu Rimskuyu derzhavu (all Roman Empire)

padat` (overload)

na kogo-to (somebody)

padat` (be on a certain date)

period of time/day

pri-

privalit` (come in crowds)

v magazin (to the shop)

u-

upast` (appear)

iz centra (out from the centre)

na kartu (to a debit card)

vy-

vy`valit` (come in crowds)

na istoricheskuyu scenu (to historical stage)

vy`past` (befall)

na kogo-to (somebody)

s-/so-

svalit`sya (overload, appear suddenly)

na golovy (on someone's head) [colloquial]

po-

povalit` (come in crowds)

na ploshad' (to the square)

popast` (come across)

na sled tigra (tigers print)

pod-

podvalit` (appear suddenly)

for somebody

do-

dopadat` (reach)

do korovy` (cows)

o-/ob-

obrushit`sya (appear suddenly)

na stranu (for a country), na pervoproxodcev (for explorers )

na-

navalit`sya (appear suddenly)

na piratov (for pirates), for somebody

napast` (come across)

na sled (on the trail)

In Example 28 Source is important because it is one of relatively new meanings when resources `flow' from Source:

(28) Президент и Владимир Яковлев посоветовали регионам не ждать ", когда что-то упадёт из центра [Source]", а вкладывать ресурсы в подготовку к зиме. [Людмила Мещанинова. Регионам что-то перепадет (2003) // «Время МН», 2003.07.26]

The President and Vladimir Yakovlev advised to the regions not to wait when something would be sent from the centre [Source] but to invest resources into preparations for winter.

6.5 Prefixes in correlation to the `resulting contact with ambience (fall inside)' frame

This frame include metaphors describing falling into a container.

4 out of 7 words in `resulting contact with ambience (fall inside)' frame have their direct meanings in the `falling from an elevated surface' frame. As it is presumed by the name of this frame, Goal/Landmark (Ambience) is an important semantic argument in this motion and mostly is a container.

As a confirmation of this all five prefixes used in this frame (pro-, po-, pod-, za-, v-) are Goal-oriented. There are several types of Goals used in this frame:

1. PHYSICAL ENTITY: a group of people, university (as an educational institution): popast` v universitet (get into a university)

2. PHYSICAL CONTAINER: exhibition, cinema, theater: zavalit`sya v kino (come over to the cinema)

3. ABSTRACT OBJECTS: final, bad situation, soul, memory: zapast` v pamyat` (stay in memory)

a. Superior: influence, power, charms, anger: popast` pod vliyanie (come under the influence)

b. Ideologies: idealism, adventurism, factual account: vpast` v azart (get all excited)

c. States: anger, love, hysterics: vpast` v isteriku (go into hysterics)

Superior abstract objects are used only with the verbs with prefix po- and pod-. This objects do not present Goal but rather Landmark and Trajector ends up under this Landmark (as it was depicted in Picture 3).

Ideologies and States from Abstract objects are used with prefix v-, pro- and za- while Physical entities and Physical containers require prefix po- and za-.

6.6 Prefixes in correlation to the `falling out/being outside' frame

This frame includes metaphors describing falling outside a container.

Only 5 meanings are present in this frame and 3 of them have direct meanings in `detachment' frame. However, Source-oriented prefixes are used with each verb of the frame (vy-, ot-, s-). Thus, `detachement' frame may be the origin of the `falling out/being outside' metaphorical frame, but Source-oriented prefixes + verbs of falling create their own semantics of falling outside.

Source in `falling out/being outside' can be divided into following subtypes:

1. PHYSICAL ENTITY: military alliance, union, group, list: vy`past` iz spiska (stop being in a list)

2. PHYSICAL CONTAINER: room, bus, saloon: vy`past` iz avtobusa (fall out of a bus)

3. ABSTRACT OBJECTS: soul: spast` s dushi (be lifted from someone's soul)

Moreover, prefix vy- is used with physical containers, prefix ot- and vy- are used with physical entities and s- is used with abstract objects.

6.7 Prefixes in correlation to the `stative' frame

According to Rakhilina, Reznikova & Ryzhova (2019b in preparation) the `stative' frame is a state in the space as a result of falling. Correlation between prefixes and the `stative' frame is not obvious because 3 out of 7 verbs are unprefixed and prefixed verbs have been deeply metaphorised and do not share common semantic patterns. However, as the `stative' frame is supposed to perform the results of falling, all four used prefixes (raz-/ras-, ot-, pro-, u-) have resultative meaning (Examples 29-31).

(29) Только однажды за время моего путешествия-исследования я встретила лениво развалившуюся на крыльце, сморённую солнцем и вполне дружелюбную на вид собачку [Trajector] [Марина Толстунова. А у вас какой забор? (2002) // «Биржа плюс свой дом» (Н. Новгород), 2002.09.16]

Once during my trip-expedition I met a lazily resting, drained by the sunlight, quite friendly dog [Trajector] at the front steps.

(30) Ирина не хотела портить ему аппетит, но, когда он отодвинул тарелку и отвалился, спросила: [Токарева Виктория. Своя правда // «Новый Мир», 2002 ]

Irina did not want to spoil his appetite, but when he moved his plate away and leaned back, she asked:

(31) Целыми днями пропадает в библиотеке. (Большой толковый словарь)

He spends all days in the library.

Some metaphorical stative meanings can originate as from physical as from other metaphorical meanings. Thus, meaning in Example 29 presumably originates from the `crushing down' frame according to raz-/ras- prefix which is used only in this frame. And the meanings in Example 31 originates from metaphorical `disappearance' frame which will be discussed below. Example 31 does not fit `disappearance' frame system anymore due to its stativisation. The case when a `stative' meaning has its origins in another metaphorical frame shows us that metaphors derived both from direct and metaphorical meanings of falling also have their continuum from `falling' metaphors to `stative' metaphors.

When it comes to unprefixed verbs of falling they do not perform a result of falling, but rather a continuous motion which is so microscopic that looks stative. In this case Trajector is a substance of micro particles as light, steam or fine mist (Examples 32-33).

(32) Сухо, в гидрокостюмах становится жарко, и от наших мокрых комбинезонов валит густой пар [Trajector]. [Игорь Вольский. Пропасть им. Пантюхина: будет ли новый мировой рекорд? (1994)]

It feels dry, being in a Gumby suit is getting hot, and thick steam [Trajector] escaping our wet coveralls.

(33) Сверкающее месиво капель [Trajector] валилось сквозь свет фар. [Вячеслав Рыбаков. Гравилет «Цесаревич» (1993)]

A shining cloud of fine mist [Trajector] was pouring through the headlights.

This type of Trajector has not been described yet in other papers: in contrast to multiple objects (leaves, stones, snow) this type of Trajector (Examples 32-33) should be invisible (particles of light) or close to invisible (fine mist, steam). This can be called a distinct feature of `stative' frame.

6.8 The `failure' frame

Two metaphorical frames were identified during this research: `failure' and `disappearance'. The `failure' frame includes 3 verbs of falling only with the root -val- and two prefixes pro- and za-.

This frame expresses the situation when someone has failed an exam/contest etc. (non-causative verbs) or has been failed (causative verbs).

The `failure' metaphor is described by the verbs with prefixes za- (zavalit`sya (fail)) and pro- (provalit`sya (fail), propast' (be screwed)), and Landmark in the semantics of these prefixes can be an explanation of the structure of this metaphor.

Prefix pro- creates the `failure' metaphor because the Landmark (the surface) becomes destroyed due to the fact that Trajector goes through it (Krongauz, 1994). According to this core idea the collocation `provalit` e`kzamen/vy`stuplenie' is based on the semantics of this prefix.

Prefix za- also responds to the `failure' metaphor. As it was mentioned before, za- performs deviation from the main domain to the `extradomain' (Janda, 1986). In case with failed exams and competitions domain is the perfect case scenario (passing an exam, performing well) and the `extradomain' is a failure.

Thus, both prefixes can add `failure' semantics to a verb and despite the small sample in the `failure' frame it is possible to refer to these prefixes as the basic ones.

6.9 The `disappearance' frame

Two verbs with prefix pro- present the `disappearance' frame. This frame includes situation when Trajector is not visible anymore due to some reasons. It includes such verbs as provalit`sya (disappear) and propast`(disappear). It is supposed that the primary core metaphor lies in Landmark incorporated in semantics of pro- which in this situation works as a shield which makes Trajector invisible (Example 34).

(34) Мне хотелось только одного Ї провалиться под землю [Landmark]. [Виктор Пелевин. Бэтман Аполло (2013)]

I wanted only one thing - to merge into the background [Landmark].

The secondary metaphorical meaning does not include Landmark as a shield anymore so a verb with prefix pro- means `to disappear' by itself. The disappearance in this case can be of the following types:

1. USUAL DISAPPEARANCE

a. Emphasis on period of time + return point

b. No return point

2. EMPHASIS ON SOURCE:

a. To disappear from a real physical place: room, pocket, table

b. To disappear from an abstract entity: radars, grid, sight

3. PREVENTIVE

6.9.1 Usual disappearance

Usual disappearance makes emphasis on the absence of Trajecror and can be divided into two subtypes. The first subtype is disappearance with emphasis on period of time Trajector has been absent and the return point (Example 35).

(35) Милая тётенька даж не посмотрела в паспорт, токмо данные попросила написать и пропала на 5 минут [Time], которые показались часом.. :)) [Запись LiveJournal (2004)]

A sweet woman didn't even look at the passport, she only asked to write down the number of it and disappeared for five minutes [Time] which seemed like an hour.

In this case when time is mentioned it means that Trajector has ultimately turned back to the initial domain/Landmark.

The second subtype is disappearance with no return point. In this case a period of time is not mentioned as the location of Trajector is still unknown (Example 36).

(36) Отец был военным и пропал на войне без вести. (Федор Чеханков: Ненависть меня разрушает [2002) // «Витрина читающей России», 2002.09.13]

My father was a soldier and had gone missing.

6.9.2 Emphasis on Source

Disappearance with the emphasis on Source expresses the situation when Source where Trajector has disappeared from is important. It can be of two subtypes according to the type of Source: from a real physical place (room, chest of drawers, pocket etc.) as in Example 37 or from an abstract entity (radars, grids, sight) as in Example 38.

(37) Объявление о продаже ноутбука, весьма похожего на тот, что пропал из квартиры [Source] погибшего академика. [Гибель академика (2003) // «Криминальная хроника», 2003.07.08]

That was the ad for a laptop looking quite the same as that which had disappeared from the flat [Source] of the deceased academist.

(38) В 21.10 (2.10 ночи по местному времени) самолет внезапно пропал с радаров авиадиспетчеров [Source]. [Ирина Леньшина, Инесса Паперная. Иркутская аномалия (2001) // «Известия», 2001.07.04]

At 21.10 (2.10 local time) the plain suddenly went off the grid of air-traffic controll [Source].

6.9.3 Preventive disappearance

In this subtype of disappearance the absence of Trajector prevents some following actions as in Examples 39-40.

(39) Почему у Володьки пропало желание работать [Trajector], я выяснять не стал.[ Владимир Рауш, Вячеслав Быков. Вячеслав Быков: В России признаком силы считается крик // «Русский репортер», № 6 (36), 21-28 февраля 2008, 2008]

I did not try to figure out why Volod'ka's will to work [Trajector] vanished.

Here it means that the absence of `willing to work' prevents the agent of the sentence from working

(40) А он так зыркнул, что пропала охота шутить [Trajector].[ Лев Корнешов. Газета (2000)]

And he looked in such a way that my will to joke [Trajector] disappeared.

In this example shows that disappearance of the `will to joke' prevented the agent from joking.

Conclusion

21 prefixed verbs of falling with the root -val-, 7 prefixed verbs of falling with the root -rukh-, and 26 prefixed verbs of falling with the root -past- were analysed in this paper to find correlations between prefixes and the typology of falling. Physical and metaphorical meanings were distributed within two frame systems (Rakhilina, Reznikova & Ryzhova, 2019a; 2019b in preparation). For physical meanings the following frames were taken into account: i. falling from an elevated surface; ii. losing of the vertical orientation; iii. detachment; iv. crashing down. As for metaphorical meanings seven meanings were suggested by Rakhilina, Reznikova & Ryzhova (2019b in preparation): i. less is down; ii. loss of functionality in humans; iii. destruction; iv. abruptness; v. resulting contact with ambience (fall inside); vi. falling out/being outside; vii. stative and two more (viii. failure and xi. disappearance) were added to the frame system.

After the analysis of all the meanings of the verbs the semantics of the roots and their distribution among the frames became clear: the root -past- covers most of the meanings in the `falling from an elevated surface' frame, the root -val- is mostly used in the `losing of the vertical orientation' frame, and the root -rukh- mostly depicts the meanings from the `crushing down' frame. The root -past- was also used in 3 meanings out of 4 in the `detachment' frame, however, it is difficult to draw any conclusions due to the small sample of data.

It was observed that in the `falling from an elevated surface' frame most of the prefixes (po-, o-/ob-, pro-, za-, v-) are Goal-oriented and some of them include Source as their semantic arguments (s-, vy-). This feature corresponds with the dominant frame of falling as it has Goal and Source by its definition. To prove this correlation previous descriptions of semantics of the prefixes were taken into account.

During the analysis of prefix po- a new resultative meaning of the prefix was found: dissolving in Landmark, when Trajector is equally spread or dissolved in Landmark. This type of Trajector should be able to be broken down into very small pieces like: chemicals, substances, liquids (their drops).

In the `losing of the vertical orientation' frame 10 out of 21 meanings had Goals as their semantic argument which was supported by the Goal-oriented semantics of their prefixes ( pri-, pod-, pere-, na-, po-), while other meanings rarely required Source or did not require neither Source nor Goal. Another interesting observation was the correlation between prefixes and complete/incomplete falling in this frame. According to this frame, falling can be complete when Trajector reaches Goal and incomplete when Trajector only deviates from its main axis. This particularity correlates to the prefixes used with the verbs describing incomplete falling (pri-, za-, u-).

Only two prefixes (ot- and s-) were used in the `detachment' frame, which have appropriate semantics. However, one thing can be added to the semantic description. As it was previously described by Janda (1986) Trajector is destroyed due to the motion, however some examples showed that Source/Landmark can be untouched and Trajector is detached.

The `crashing down' frame was mostly represented by the verbs with prefixes raz-/ras-, o-/ob- and pro- which have distinct `crashing' and `falling' semantics. In case with o-/ob- the prefix has `MAKE X' semantic meaning, which makes a reflexive verb of falling `collapse' or `crash'. In case of pro- prefix, Landmark and Trajector coincide and are represented by a bearing surface which collapses by its own.

While describing metaphorical frames it was necessary to identify the physical frame it originates from. It was important because some features which were present in physical frames were the same in its metaphorical counterpart. This can be said about such a metaphorical frame as `less is down' and its original physical frame `falling from an elevated surface': both frames include mostly verbs with Goal as semantic argument and correspondingly Goal-oriented prefixes. Also, a `falling' metaphor is based on the decrease in some sort of scale: objective (for prices, temperature, blood pressure etc.) or subjective (certainty, sinning etc.).

The `loss of functionality in humans' frame covers the meanings when vital energy is not present anymore and Trajector gets sick, fainted or dead. Orientation towards Goal highlights terminal semantics which is also expressed in semantics of the used prefixes (ot-, s-, pro-, po-, v-). However, due to the inconsistency and deep lexicalisation of the metaphorical meanings in this frame, it was impossible to suppose which physical frame it originates from.

According to the distribution of the direct meanings of the verbs the `destruction' frame has its origins in the `crashing down' frame. However, apart from typical `crashing' prefixes raz-/ras-, o-/ob there are verbs with prefixes pro-, po- and na-. Pro- prefix was used in temporal connotation and semantics of po- and na- were overtaken by the semantic of the root -rukh-.

`Abruptness' frame included the following subtypes: SUDDEN OCCASION (Unhappy occasions, Happy occasions), COME IN CROWDS, EVENTS ON THE TIMELINE, COINCIDENCES. Almost half of the verbs had direct meanings in the`falling from elevated surface' frame and prefixes there were mostly Goal-oriented (pri-, u-, vy-, s-, pere-, po-, pod-, o-/ob-, na-, do-), which gave a reason to assume that the verbs in this metaphorical frame should require Goal as semantic argument. The collected data showed that each prefix was used with a verb requiring Goal and rarely Source.

More than half of the verbs from the `resulting contact with ambience (fall inside)' frame had their direct meanings in the `falling from an elevated surface' frame, thus, it was important to study its Goal/Landmark as an inherited particularity. Goal-oriented prefixes were used with this frame (pro-, po-, pod-, za-, v-) and Goal were divided into the following subtypes: PHYSICAL ENTITY, PHYSICAL CONTAINER, ABSTRACT OBJECTS (Superior, Ideologies, States). It was noticed that Physical containers and Physical entities require prefix po- and za-. Speaking about ABSTRACT OBJECTS subframe, Superior objects were used with prefixes pod- and po-, Ideologies and States are used with prefix v-, pro-, za-.

The `falling out/being outside' frame presumably originates from the `detachment' frame but has its own semantics due to the Source-oriented prefixes: vy-, ot-, s-. Source in this frame can be divided into following subtypes: PHYSICAL ENTITY, PHYSICAL CONTAINER and ABSTRACT OBJECTS. Prefixes also correlate with these subtypes: vy- is used with PHYSICAL CONTAINERS, ot- is used with Physical entities and s- is used with abstract nouns.

The `stative' frame is described as a state in the space as a result of falling (Rakhilina, Reznikova & Ryzhova, 2019b in preparation). Due to this fact prefixes with resultative meaning were used in this frame (raz-/ras-, ot-, pro-, u-). Metaphorical meanings in this frame can originate both from direct and metaphorical meanings. It showed that metaphorical meanings can shift towards new metaphors, but this shifts goes from `falling' to `stative' motion. Another situation was noticed with unprefixed verbs: they did not perform a result of falling but constant movement of microparticles. In this case Trajector was a substance like light, steam or fine mist. This type of Trajector does not coincide with the type which was discussed before with `dissolving' meaning of popast' (get into). There the parts Trajector is broken down to are bigger: drops and pieces of substance. In this situation it is probably reasonable to talk about multiplicity continuum from easy separable multiple objects (stones, leaves, sand) to micro-level substances (light, steam, fine mist).

One of the added frames to the existing system was the`failure' frame. Due to the small amount of data (only 3 verbs) it is not possible to say what it originates from. However, it was assumed that metaphorical meaning of these verbs can lie in the semantic of their prefixes (pro-, za-). Prefix pro- expresses the situation when Landmark (the surface) becomes destroyed due to the motion of Trajector (Krongauz, 1994) and the same happens to failed exams, plans and competitions. Za- prefix expresses deviation from the main domain to the `extradomain' which happens when someone fails.

Another frame added to the system was the `disappearance' frame which was represented by prefix pro-. The core idea of the `disappearance' metaphor probably is that when Trajector goes through Landmark, Landmark works as shield for Trajector making it invisible. The second shift is when Landmark is not mentioned and Trajector just disappears. This type has the following subtypes: USUAL DISAPPEARANCE (Emphasis on period of time + return point, No return point), EMPHASIS ON SOURCE (To disappear from a real physical place, To disappear from an abstract entity), PREVENTIVE.

This study showed that prefixes of the verbs of falling are not distributed arbitrarily among physical and metaphorical frames. Moreover, they follow certain patterns meeting frame requirements. It was also proven that metaphorical frames inherit properties of their physical counterparts which means that they should have the same prefixes. This means that verbal prefix of a verb of falling contains very valuable information about the typology of motion. Knowing the distribution of prefixes among different frames can help to identify typology of motion of any prefixed verbs for both physical and metaphorical meanings.

Appendix

Table 1. Full table of meanings of the verbs with the roots -val-/ -rukh-/ -past-

https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1oViwg-HndfGMJ-Gtp50FUCcemvrv3uzzEXZ-csu1iNo/edit?usp=sharing

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