De-othering politics and practices of forced migrants in modern society

According to the findings of the research “Ukraine's hidden tragedy” (Kuznetsova at al. 2018), the significant factors that do not contribute to the radicalization of the IDP attitudes or to the creation of a “parallel” society are a sufficiently high Level of dispersion of the forced migrants across the territory of Ukraine, and relative adaptation and stabilization of their life situation (in the spheres of employment, education of children and access to medical care services) achieved by them in a recent years. Forced migrants more often divide themselves to “those who have adapted, found new opportunities for self-realization, and become successful in a new situation and a new place of residence; and those who have not been able to find themselves, recover from war trauma and forced migration” (Mikheieva 2015: 7-8). For example, one of the key differences in the social integration of Crimean Tatars, who have become forced migrants from annexed Crimea, is the high level of their intra-group social integration, the use of mutual assistance practices, the ethnic entrepreneurship, and the support networks created in times of their repatriation to the Crimea in the 1990s and early 2000s (Babenko 2007).

Meanwhile, the social adaptation of internally displaced people from Crimea of Ukrainian and Russian ethnic origin, as well as IDPs from non-government-controlled parts of Donetsk and Luhansk regions occurs more often through individual strategies and supports from local population. According to National Monitoring of IDP in 2019 (Zvit 2019: 40), 50% of IDPs believe that they have integrated into new residences and another 36% have “partially integrated”. 34% of IDPs do not intend to return, which is an indirect indicator of their successful societal integration. Among the key factors of successful IDP integration are housing, steady income, and employment. IDPs are saying they are rather integrated to their new places of residence in major cities (Kyiv, Lviv, Odesa, Dnipro, Kharkiv), and the least integrated as well as intend to stay at their new places of residence in the areas near the Donetsk and Luhansk military activities. This is explained by differences of general situation (such as infrastructure and quality of life in the regions) rather than individual or group IDP characteristics. The other explanation could be the closer distance and more contacts with the places of origin and people\relatives left at “DNR\LNR” and hence higher expectations about return. This demonstrates that IDPs in Ukraine are not in a homogeneous socio-cultural milieu and the risks of their total radicalization as a group are insignificant, whereas some subgroups or individuals who did not succeed in integration could be involved in radical movements.

The general conclusions concerning the factors contributing to the successful integration of IDP in Ukraine are the following. First, there are no significant differences between IDPs and local communities in terms of religious, ethnic, linguistic, sociocultural, value, socio-class dimensions. Second, there is the predominance of individual strategies for overcoming the crisis situation through the realization of resources from local communities, charity organizations, and the state as mechanisms of societal integration. Support from multiple actors of the host local community limits the internal group integration and separation of the IDP milieus. Third, the ownership of status resources (education, networking, business skills, etc.) and the readiness of IDPs to actively change their lives in the new environment are important for their societal integration.

Conclusions and points for discussion

1. In the model of societal integration of forced migrants, the correlation between the effectiveness of their de-othering politics and practices and the system of objective economic, civil and political living conditions in a particular society (such as the level of welfare of the population, the political (non)stability, the effectiveness of government, the level of civil liberties and political rights of various population groups, the level of corruption in a country), as well as the level and nature of the conflict between the migrant community and the host society is revealed. If the institutional system is not able to satisfy the important needs of the migrant community, the latter can create conditions for the duplication of institutional forms of social life through the development of a “parallel society” with its own regulatory and supporting mechanisms.

2. Constructive de-othering politics and practices of forced migrants are associated with their refusal to occupy subordinate social positions and active attempts to gain full membership in the host society. Favorable outcomes of the de-othering of forced migrants process are influenced by several factors such as a personal attitude to the transition situation; personal, demographic and socio-psychological characteristics of the social actor (the level of personal development, ideological positions of the individual, life values); the presence of interpersonal and/or institutional support; the tone of mass media discourse and a generalized favorable attitude towards migrants from the host society; strategies of resolution of transition problems.

3. Under the influence of many factors (religious, financial, political, cultural), forced migrants can choose destructive ways of de-othering politics and practices and prefer a way to escalate tensions in relations with representatives of a dominant society. In the agency-cultural model, an indicator of the prevalence of ideas of support/approval of violent ways to change the existing political and social system in a society is used as an indicator of the radicalization of the behavior of forced migrants. An important heuristic component of the model is the distinction between push and pull factors, which stimulate the appearance of coherent patterns of radical attitudes and beliefs among forced migrants. Push factors are economic and civic frustration, social and cultural distance and status deprivation, pinched personal dignity, conflict of personal identities, social isolationism; that form a favorable environment that encourages the radicalization of migrants' attitudes and value orientations. Pull factors -- the ideological values; justification of the political violence; extensive social ties within a milieu; intolerant and aggressive attitudes towards outer social groups; authoritarian leadership; cultural/information influence -- ensure the transition of a tendency to radicalism into the practical sphere of radical attitudes and actions.

The de-othering politics and practices of forced migrants reviewed are a promising research prism for further in-depth advanced study of the processes of adaptation and integration of forced migrants, as well as their social effects. In particular, it is necessary to empirically evaluate which model of de-othering politics -- the model of integration, assimilation, marginalization or separation (or a combination of them) -- has become dominant in the situation of forced migration from the non-government-controlled parts of Donetsk and Luhansk region as well as from the Crimea. Accordingly, what projects need to be developed and implemented to optimize the status of forced migrants in Ukrainian society? It is expedient to monitor the level of attitudes radicalization in the socio-cultural milieus of forced migrants in Ukrainian society in order to identify the main push/pull factors of this process and predict possible scenarios of destructive de-othering practices. In addition, a comprehensive analysis of constructive de-othering politics and practices of Ukrainian forced migrants using the 4S concept of N. Schlossberg is necessary in order to monitor the success of forming cultural, social, communicative and identity solidarities in the host society.

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