Blood donation in Russia: the self and the body in the donation practices

Investigation of the Russian case of blood donation from the vector of corporality. Attitude to blood in relation to its belonging to body and its links to self. The motives to blood giving in Russia, especially, from the idea of blood perception.

Рубрика Социология и обществознание
Вид дипломная работа
Язык английский
Дата добавления 17.08.2020
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In general, despite the fact that there was a vivid difference in perception of blood, the both approaches can exist at the same time. To make it clear, mainly all the informants observed their donation experience through the idea of health and impact of body. In addition, all the informant have a strict donor image, which they tried to follow, what is discussed in further sections. Thus, the two notions are not mutually exclusive.

3.4 Motives to blood donation

Secondly, it is necessary to understand whether a particular attitude to blood can influence the desire to give it, or whether some other factor are presented there.

3.4.1 Motivation

The motives, which were the reasons to blood giving, should also be taken into consideration. Among the mentioned factors, altruism was the most common motive for the participants to start donating blood. As it has already been mentioned, altruistic action is a situation when an individual is doing something without getting any pay in answer (Ferguson & Lawrence, 2016). As for the blood donation, the informants emphasized that they gave this biomaterial because of their desire to help others. For example, one interviewee commented:

I don't know. I just want to help people. (female, 20 y.o., #2) Не знаю. Просто хочется помочь людям. (женщина, 20 лет, #2)

Speaking about altruistic intention, one informant pointed out that it is important that her blood could help someone. As this individual said:

I hope to help people, hope that my blood can really save someone and help in the most difficult life situation, when really even you will not guess about it. My blood will help. (female, 21 y.o., #1) Надежда помочь людям. Надежда тому, что твоя кровь может действительно спасти кого-то и оказать помощь в самую трудную жизненную ситуацию, когда действительно даже ты об этом не будешь догадываться. Просто твоя кровь поможет. (женщина, 21 год, #1)

In addition, some interviewees observed their altruistic motives in relation to material incentives. To make it clear, it was mentioned that blood should be given without any pay in answer. For instance, one participant associated blood with an altruistic act. As he put it:

When I came for the first time, I was surprised to get money for it. As for me, donation was supposed to be a free event, but it was paid money for. Probably, the first motivation and the main one is to do a good deed and help. (male, 19 y.o., #16) Когда пришел первый раз я очень сильно был удивлён, что за это ещё платят деньги. Для меня донорство предполагалось, что это бесплатно мероприятия. А за это ещё и платят деньги. Наверное, первая мотивация и основная- это вот сделать доброе дело и помочь. (мужчина, 19 лет, #16)

What is more, one donor mentioned that helping others created an image of “rescuer”. This person described her feelings when she gave blood:

I feel myself as a superhero at this moment. I feel that it might help someone in a few months. Maybe I have already helped someone. (female, 26 y.o., #7) Я чувствую в этот момент себя немножко супергероем. Я реально чувствую, что это может кому-то помочь через несколько месяцев. А может уже я кому-то помогла. (женщина, 26 лет, #7)

Along with altruism, a big share of informants explained the blood giving through their state of health. In other word, they donated blood, because they did not feel any deterioration of their health. For example, one participant described the reason to his constant blood giving through the absence of complications. He stated:

I do not have much loses. It will help people who may need it. Moreover, I have never had any complications. If I can, if there are no complications, then why not. (male, 22 y.o., #9) Просто как-то у меня особо ничего не убывает, а людям, которые могут нуждаться, это поможет. Тем более у меня никогда не было такого, чтобы были какие-то осложнения. Если я могу, если нет никаких осложнений, то почему бы и нет. (мужчина, 22 года, #9)

Similar to this idea, one more informant reported the link between the good state of health and the desire to help other people:

I am a healthy person. I can do it, why not to do it. (female, 21 y.o., #6) Я вроде здоровый человек, я могу это сделать, почему бы и не сделать. (женщина, 21 год, #6)

Contrary to the altruistic help because of good health, some informants pointed out an improvement of health as the main reason to blood giving. Several individuals mentioned blood renewal as the main motive to blood donation. For example, one interviewee described her motives:

To be selfish, it is useful. I have read information that blood donation is useful for body, so that the blood is updated, it awakens the processes. Everything is filtrated. (female, 21 y.o., #15) Эгоистически - то, что это полезно. Где-то читала информацию, что сдавать кровь- полезно для организма, чтобы обновлялась кровь, это пробуждало процессы, происходила фильтрация этого всего. (женщина, 21 год, #15)

Likewise, other participant mentioned improvement of health as a motive to the start of her donation career. As she commented:

The first reason is that I feel better. The blood must be renewed. It seems to me that when you donate blood, it updates faster. New cells appear. I don't know whether it was that kind of attitude, but I did feel better when I gave blood twice. (female, 22 y.o., #14) Наверное, первое- моё самочувствие станет лучше. Кровь должна обновляться. Мне кажется, когда сдаешь кровь,быстрее идёт обновление. Новые клетки появляются. Я не знаю, может быть это был такой настрой, но, действительно, когда я два раза сдавала, действительно себя лучше чувствовала. (женщина, 22 года, #14)

Among other resons, mentioned by the informants, was interest. Several donors stated that they gave blood because of their interest in the donation process and the consequences of the procedure. For example, one informant reported:

It was an interest in what is happening inside, how it happens, what feelings you experience during and after blood giving. It was only a personal interest. (male, 21 y.o., #3) Это был сугубо интерес, что вообще происходит внутри, как это происходит, какие чувства ты испытываешь во время кроводачи и после кроводачи. Сугубо личный интерес. (мужчина, 21 год, #3)

Getting material incentives was also mentioned as motivation to the activity. The informants emphasized that money or compensatory holiday were not a predominant reason to their desire to give blood, but they were a bonus for them. As an interviewee commented:

This [monetary compensation] is basically a good way. I think this is a good bonus for those who give blood. You can, for example, buy a chocolate bar for this money. I think it is a good incentive. (male, 26 y.o., #5) Это [денежная компенсация] в принципе хороший способ. Мне кажется, это неплохой бонус для тех, кто сдаёт. На эти деньги можно, например, купить шоколадку. Мне кажется, это, наоборот, хороший стимул. (мужчина, 26 лет, #5)

In addition, one informant reported getting the badge of honorary donor as one of the resons to his donation activity. The informant stated:

I explained my mother that I will give her an honorary donor badge. <...> I promised her that I will get “honorary donor” and give her this badge. (male, 26 y.o., #11) А вообще я объяснил своей маме, что я ей подарю значок почетного донора. <…> я ей пообещал, что получу «почётного донора», и подарю ей этот значок. (мужчина, 26 лет, #11)

Taken together, there are two common motives to blood donation. Altruism was mentioned by practically all the informant. It should be pointed out that some donors emphasized their good health as the prerequisite to helping others. On the same level with altruistic intention, improvement of health was also reported as the main reason to the donation activity. Among other motives, the informants described interest and material incentives. Thus, it may be concluded that donors primarily observe the donation activity in the framework of their health, in particular, organism and gratituous help to others.

3.4.2 Description of the self

Despite the fact that all the participants mainly observed their blood giving experience, they also reported a particular donor self, especially a regular donor self. To put it more simply, the informants had a distinct image of a blood donor, which they tried to follow. According to the reports, one of significant features of active donors is a particular number of visits to donation centers, which is about no less that two per year. As one interviewee stated:

This is a person who has a donor's book. He donates blood regularly. <...> he consistently gives blood twice a year. Even if he donates once a year, he is also a permanent donor. However when he given once per 2 years, he is no longer a permanent donor. (female, 21 y.o., #15) Это человек, который имеет книжку донора. Он сдает регулярно кровь. <…> он стабильно сдаёт два раза в год. Даже если он сдается раз в год, то он тоже постоянно донор, но если он сдает раз в 2 года, то это уже не постоянный донор. (женщина, 21 год, #15)

One more aspect of a donor self is fulfilment of the instructions. To make it clear, as the individuals argued, a blood donor must follow all the requirements before the procedure. For example, one informant mentioned that he started feeling himself as a regular donor only when he fulfilled all the recommendations. As he commented:

In the second time, I considered myself an experienced donor. I tried to do everything right. Thus, I did not eat bananas, I tried to eat everything that is on the donation list. In other words, I experienced it more difficult than the first time. I took a more responsible approach to this. (male, 19 y.o., #16) Я вот во второй раз считал себя опытным донором. Старался сделать все правильно: не кушал бананы, старался все есть, что есть в списке донорства. То есть я её пережил сложнее, чем в первый раз. Я более ответственно к этому подошёл. (мужчина, 19 лет, #16)

Similar to this idea, some informants reported discipline as a significant feature of a blood donor. For instance, one participant said:

If you look at behavior, it is discipline. You mark, when you should give blood, you plan it. At this moment, you refuse from alcohol and some kind of nutrition. Something good may be there, but the most important thing is discipline. (male, 26 y.o., #11) Если смотреть поведение, то это дисциплина. Потому что ты отмечаешь, когда тебе сдавать, ты планируешь. В этот момент ты отказываешь себе в алкоголе, каком-то питании. Конечно, там может быть что-то благое. но самое главное-это дисциплина. (мужчина, 26 лет, #11)

What is also should be mentioned is that health was also considered as an essential feature of the self. The interviewees based this idea on the fact that whether a person is allowed to give blood, he or she is healthy in the nature. This supposition is also reinforced by the fact that donors more often make tests, what gives possibility to control their health, in comparison with non-donors. Supporting this point, one interviewee stated:

A regular donor is an absolute healthy person who controls that, who is not hindered by anything to donate. (female, 21 y.o., #6) Постоянный донор- это абсолютный здоровый человек, который следит за этим, которому ничего не мешает сдавать. (женщина, 21 год, #6)

Other aspect, mentioned by the interviewees, is a possibility to save someone. To make clear, all the individual reported that a blood donor must save someone through the biomaterial. This supposition is also argues in the frame of duty. In other word, the participants highlighted that a blood donor should feel duty to help other. For that reason, it is necessary to follow the recommendation and take care of health. For example, one person reported:

There is some responsibility to society, even to yourself. You have two days to prepare. There is some awareness that if you have bad tests, you will have bad blood. A recipient will get your blood. It is the same thing, as you cannot eat sweets before the donation. (male, 26 y.o., #5) Ну это какая-то ответственность все равно есть перед обществом, даже перед самим собой. Ты же все равно за два дня готовишься. Какое-то осознание есть, что если у тебя будут плохие анализы, то у тебя будет плохая кровь. И вот человеку достанется твоя кровь. Это то же самое- нельзя есть сладкое перед сдачей. (мужчина, 26 лет, #5)

One more informant pointed out this idea through the fact of having duty to help other people. As stated:

You should understand that you can save someone. All you need to do is a couple of hours of free time once per six months. It is also one of the types of responsibility, but in terms of social responsibility, responsibility to society and to the world. (female, 27 y.o.,#8) Понимать, что ты можешь спасти какого-то человека. И всё, что тебе для этого требуется- это пару часов свободного времени раз в полгода хотя бы. Ну тоже какой-то из типов ответственности, но в плане социальной ответственности, ответственности перед обществом, перед миром. (женщина, 27 лет,#8)

Similar to the point about duty, the participants mentioned about healthiness of blood. According to this idea, a blood donor cannot be rejected because of bad analysis. Otherwise, he or she is no longer considered a donor. For instance, one participant described the situation of ban on donations because of inappropriate blood analysis:

I was really upset, because you feel like a superhero who can donate blood every year, he helps everyone. When I went, I was banned of donations. You can't do anything. You are a simple man. This is a disappointment and a break in the pattern. (male, 19 y.o., #16) Действительно расстроился, потому что ты ощущаешь себя таким супергероем, который может сдать кровь каждый год, вообще это не проблема, он помогает всем. И тут на тебе, извините вы- ничего, простой человек, идите домой. Это разочарование и, наверное, разрыв шаблона. (male, 19 y.o., #16)

Despite the fact that the informants had a full image of a blood donor, they had no desire to reveal it to others. In other words, the informants followed the mentioned criteria for the purpose to maintain the donor self in their minds, but they had no desire to represent it to others. One individual reported:

If someone ask me, I will tell him or her everything. I do not tell on every corner that I am a donor, I gave blood; I do not show my hole in the vein. It is like bragging. (male, 26 y.o., #11) Если спросят, всё расскажу. А на каждом углу рассказывать, что я донор, я сдал кровь, посмотрите на мою дырку в вене-как-то по-детски. Это похоже на хвастовство. (мужчина, 26 лет, #11)

Thus, it may be concluded that a particular self of a donor, which is created through the set of activities and features such as following recommendations, strict number of donations per year, healthy lifestyle, feeling of duty, is a reason to blood giving, because the informants, as they reported, tried to follow this image. However, it is primarily a reason to the continuation of the blood giving activity, but not a predominant factor to it.

The presented description of the self is close to the Goffman's idea about self-formation (Goffman, 2002). Thus, the participants, following all the aspects, which constitute the donor image, maintain their donor self. This behavior is perceived by others as an activity of a blood donor. However, contrary to Goffman's statement, the participants do not create their donor self through interaction, except of the process of blood giving or helping others, they reflect it through following the instruction.

To sum up, the reported results show that phenomenon of self-formation is reflected in blood donors' practices. However, the narratives present the fact that it is better to observe the idea of self not in relation to the link of blood with a person's self, as most of the donors perceive this biomaterial as a biological particle, but from the perspective of the original Goffman's theory (2002) of self-formation through activities. In blood giving case, these activities are fulfillment of the instructions, being healthy, frequency of donations, helping others.

3.4.3 Hierarchy of biomaterials

This block was generated on the basis of Pat's work about hierarchical distribution of biomaterials (Pat, 2016). As it has already been mentioned, according to Pat (2016) all biomaterials are distributed in accordance to the link to an individual's self. Within this hierarchy, blood has the lowest position with the least connection with self. Consequently, it is more often donated, comparatively to other biomaterials. This supposition can reflect the motivation to blood giving.

As the results show, the participants usually put blood at the top of the hierarchy. It is caused by a high level of requirement of blood. As one of the donors argued:

Blood is on the first place, because many people need it in large quantities every day. (female, 26 y.o., #7) Кровь на первом месте, потому что она каждый день в больших количествах многим людям нужна. (женщина, 26 лет, #7)

In addition, blood was put at the top along with bone marrow and organs. As the last two biomaterials, they were usually distributed on the first place, because of urgent demand of them, what is also presented in blood donation activity, and difficulty of the procedure, at the same time. Reporting this idea, one of the informants stated:

First and foremost I would put the bone marrow, because this is the sort of thing that creates the cells of any tissue. <...> In the second place are organs because of an acute demand to transplant. However, it is more rare, comparatively to blood transfusion. But it's much more important to the preservation of human life or health. Then I put blood. (male, 22 y.o., #9) В первую очередь я бы поставил костный мозг, поскольку это такая штука, которая создается клетки совершенно любой ткани. <…> На втором месте-органы. Достаточно часто нужна пересадка органов. Может быть не так часто, как там переливание крови. Но это гораздо более важное по отношению к сохранению жизни человека или его здоровья. Потом я поставил кровь. (мужчина, 22 года, #9)

Similarly, other interviewee presented the same idea of bone marrow importance, in comparicon with blood. She pointed out:

Bone marrow is on the first place. I think it's a very vital organ. <...> then I put blood in the second place, because, despite the fact that blood is a very popular biomaterial, people constantly donate it. (female, 22 y.o., #14) Костный мозг- самый первый. Мне кажется, это очень жизненно важный орган. <…> потом я поставила кровь второй, потому что, несмотря на то, что кровь- это очень популярный биоматериал, люди ее сдают много. (женщина, 22 года, #14)

As for other biomaterials, breast milk and facial skin were usually put on the least position, because these body elements can be substituted by milk formula and artificially grown cells, respectively. For example, one interviewee commented:

Skin, because there are probably fewer cases. In addition to another person, you can take some piece of skin from the same person and transplant it to the face. Breast milk will be in last place, because there are all sorts of mixtures (female, 21 y.o., #6) Кожа, потому что случаев, наверное, меньше. И помимо другого человека, у этого же человека можно взять другой участок кожи, пересадить его на лицо. А грудное молоко будет на последнем месте, потому что существуют всякие смеси. (женщина, 21 год, #6)

Following the results, blood is donated not because of its low importance, but because of the easiness and accessibility of the procedure. As one of the donors mentioned routineness and prevalence of blood giving as a prerequisite to join the activity. She reported:

Blood is the easiest thing. It is created by the everyday practice of our life, when you cut yourself, lose blood, you pass tests periodically. You are aware of the process. Blood is given in every hospital, which we have a lot. (female, 21 y.o., #15) Кровь - это самое простое. Она создается обыденной практикой нашей жизни: ты режешься, теряешь кровь- бывает, ты сдаешь анализы периодически. Знаешь, ещё осведомлённость какая ты есть. И кровь сдаётся в каждой поликлинике, больнице, которых у нас очень много. (женщина, 21 год, #15)

Similar to this point, the donors also used to donate blood since childhood, as this practice is widely developed at schools, hospitals. Thus, the informants met this activity constantly in their life, what made them familiar to blood donation procedure. Supporting this point, an interviewee mentioned:

You used to donating blood. Since childhood, you have been used to donating it from a finger, from a vein. So you get used to donation. (male, 19 y.o., #16) Ты привык сдавать кровь: с самого детства ты привык сдавать её из пальца, из вены. То есть ты привыкаешь сдавать. (male, 19 y.o., #16)

What is more, an active donation of blood is also caused by renewability of the biomaterial, in comparison with other elements of body. One participant explained the continuation of blood donation through the fact this biomaterial can be renewed. In addition, accessibility of the procedure also contributes to this desire. As she emphasized:

Not because of its less importance, because it can be easily renewed, and it is publicly available. Any person who fits medically can do that. This accessibility also makes the donation easier. (female, 27 y.o.,#8) Не то, чтобы менее важна. Просто это может легко восполниться, и как-то это общедоступно что ли. Это можно спокойно сделать любому человеку, кто подходит по медицинским показателям. И вот эта общедоступность, она и делает спокойным сдачу этого всего (женщина, 27 лет,#8)

To sum up, blood is donated because of the easiness, accessibility of the procedure and renewability of the biomaterial. These aspects caused the desire to give blood as a donor. Additionally, some hierarchy of biomaterials was also reported, but all the body elements were distributed in accordance to difficulty of a procedure and demand to a biomaterial. For this reason, bone marrow and organ donations were put on the first place, because of a high level of the procedure difficulty and its high demand. Blood was placed among these biomaterials, because of its high requirement and the prevalence of the activity.

Thus, the Pat's idea (2016) about donation of biomaterials in accordance to their link to self was not reflected in the informants' reports. Blood was donated not because of its least importance, but because of the easiness, accessibility and prevalence of the procedure.

In general, the reported results show that an attitude to blood as a biological particle influences the desire to give it, especially, its biological features such as renewability, easiness of giving, have an impact on the desire to donate this biomaterial. However, the intention to maintain a blood donor image is also a motive to following the activity. It should be pointed out that this motivation is not the predominant, in comparison to the biological approach.

Conclusion

blood giving donation relation

The aim of the present research was to investigate the Russian case of blood donation from the vector of corporality, in particular, it was devoted to two vectors. The first one is to reveal attitude to blood in relation to its belonging to body and its links to self. The second one is to understand the motives to blood giving in Russia, especially, observed it from the idea of blood perception.

As for attitudes to blood, the study has identified that the donors primarily perceived this biomaterial as a biological particle. This fact manifested through the preparations to the procedure. Particularly, the reported practices were close to the idea of “body work” presented by Shaw (2014). To make it clear, the donors prepared their blood to the procedure by following special recommendations. What is more, the informants mainly described own blood as a biological element, which has a particular features such as renewability. That is similar to Lynch and Cohn supposition (2018) about blood as a resource, which can be used for some aims. As for the present case, the donors, perceiving their blood as a body particle, gave it for helping others. Additionally, the reported behavior supported Titmuss' idea (1970) about blood as a gift. The informants described the donated blood as an element belonging to a recipient. Consequently, they gifted it to society. Moreover, in this case, donated blood was not perceived as body part, because it was located out of body. That result is close to the discussion about body wholeness (Hawkins & Gillett, 2014), which destroys when body particles are out of it, and they are not perceived as body parts anymore. In addition, the biological nature of blood was also presented through the recovering process, when the individuals followed a particular regime and diet for blood recovery.

However, another point was also reported, which is blood as a part of self. Only several interviewees described own blood in relation to the link to own self. To be more precise, these individuals described the blood as element reflecting their character features. Besides, the donated blood was observed as a part of self, given others. Thing finding supports the work of Koo and Fishbach (2016) who argued that donated blood reflects to more extent, comparatively to other non-body things. The perceptions of blood as a part of self was not a popular opinion. The reason to this belief is not clear.

The second question sought to identify the motives to blood giving. The commonly reported motivation was altruistic intention to help others without getting any pay in answer. This motive was usually mentioned with the idea of a good health. In other word, the donors were ready to give their blood, when they had a good state of health. This idea reflect those of Show and Webb (2014) who also found that blood is used an instrument reaching some aim, in particular, help others. As for other motivations, compensatory payments and interest were mentioned.

A prior study by Goffman (2002) described self as a phenomenon created through different activities, generated by social interactions. The similar idea was observed in the results. The informant had a strict donor image, which they tried to maintain through fulfillment of the recommendations, idea of total healthiness, duty to help others. The intention to preserve this image was one of the reasons to the continuation to blood donation activity. However, it was an additional factor. In the present case, contrary to Goffman (2002), the self is created not through the social interaction, except for the moment of blood giving and helping others, but through individual fulfillment of the criteria. In addition, the results showed that, speaking about theory of self, it is necessary to observe this idea from the fact that the activity of a blood donor generates the self, but not from the point of view of blood as a part of self, because the majority perceived it as a body element.

What is more, as mentioned in the literature review, Pat (2016) stated the approach of hierarchy of self, where all the biomaterials are distributed in rating, in accordance to their link to self. Following this idea, blood has the least position in the rating that it why it is the most donated biomaterial. The results did not support this idea. The informants distributed these biomaterials, based on their biological importance and demand. In this vain, blood was put in the top of the hierarchy because of its high demand in and a high importance for existence. Additionally, one of the motives for widespread giving of this biomaterial was its renewability and easiness, accessibility of the procedure.

Thus, it is supported the idea that a particular attitude to blood, especially, the perception of it from biological point of view can be a motive to starting this activity. In the same time, not a particular attitude to blood, but the desire to preserve the self of a blood donor can also be motivation to blood giving.

What also should be mentioned is that the present paper gives some explanation to the discussion about ambiguity presented by Zeiler (2014). To make it clear, the mentioned research (Zeiler, 2014) raise the question in which case blood is observed as a part of body and as a part of self. According to the results, most informants perceived this biomaterial only as a body particle in any case. Contrary to this fact, three informants observed their blood as a self element. Any reason to such a difference was not found. What should be pointed out is that blood was perceived as an instrument used in the process of self-formation. To be more precise, when the participants donated blood, they created a donor image. Thus, as it has already been mentioned, it is more reasonable not to argue about blood as a part of self, but to observe it as an element, which plays role in self-creation so as other activities such as following instructions, being healthy also contribute into self-image.

Overall, the findings suggest that both notions, body part and self, indicated in blood donation sphere in Russia. However, the notions reflect different vector. In case of corporeality, blood is distinctly observed as a biological particle of body, which reflects both, particular attitude to blood and the motive to giving this biomaterial because of it features such as renewability. As for idea of self, blood is mainly perceived as an instrument for self-formation, but not as a part of self. The phenomenon of self is vividly observe through the desire to preserve a donor image, what is also a reason to blood giving.

The reported findings contribute general understanding of the sphere of blood donation in Russia from sociological point of view. Particularly, the paper shows investigation of blood donation from other vector, which is corporeality. In addition, the results can be useful for the improvement of blood donation activity in Russia. To make it clear, following the reported findings, the donation centers can recruit new donors by presenting a more practical point of view of blood as a part of body. Moreover, telling about its biological features such as renewability and body renewal, it may be possible to attract people to continue the activity. At the same time, the propaganda of the donor self can also be taken into consideration as a mechanism for attraction the people who gave blood for the first time to further donations.

Limitations

There were several limitations during the investigation. The first one is the type of the study. This research is qualitative in its nature. This approach lets deeply analyze people's attitudes to their blood, their personal experience, and a description of donation practices. However, the disadvantage of this type of research is that the results can be subjective. Additionally, the small sample size did not allow to generalize the results to the general population. In other words, it is difficult to draw conclusions about whether this attitude or behavior is typical for all the donors in Russia. As for other limitations, the number of donations was also observed. The donors were recruited, in accordance to criterion of no less than two donations. Among the participants, people with two donations, and people with more than twenty blood giving were presented. Perhaps it could have been better to choose people with an extensive experience, what could give more accurate reflection of the attitudes to blood. However, regardless of the number of donations, the informants described the same perceptions of their blood.

Future research agenda

The present research has shown some ambiguous results of blood perception. Although a big share of informants described their blood as a body element, three people stated this biomaterial as a part of self. Future research should give an explanation about the reason to this difference. What is more, as quantitative research should also take place, which help to understand believes of the general population in Russia and gives better description of the development of blood donation sphere in this country.

Acknowledgements

The author would like to thank Ksenia Eritsyan, supervisor of the collective project “Prosocial behavior in health: biomaterial donation”, for giving access to five interviews conducted during the work at the project. The author is grateful for the chance to take interviews at the collective project.

References

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2. Bednall, T. C., Bove, L. L., Cheetham, A., & Murray, A. L. (2013). A systematic review and meta-analysis of antecedents of blood donation behavior and intentions. Social Science &

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4. Bryman, A. (2016). Social research methods. Oxford university press.

5. Busby, H., Kent, J., & Farrell, A.-M. (2014). Revaluing donor and recipient bodies in the globalised blood economy: Transitions in public policy on blood safety in the United

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7. Ferguson, E., & Lawrence, C. (2016). Blood donation and altruism: the mechanisms of altruism approach. ISBT Science Series, 11(S1), 148-157. https://doi.org/10.1111/voxs.12209

8. Ferguson, E., Murray, C., & O'Carroll, R. E. (2019). Blood and organ donation: health impact, prevalence, correlates, and interventions. Psychology & Health, 34(9), 1073-1104. https://doi.org/10.1080/08870446.2019.1603385

9. Goffman, E. (2002). The presentation of self in everyday life. 1959. Garden City, NY, 259.

10. Hawkins, S. A., & Gillett, J. (2015). Reconstructing Aboriginal Identity and the Meaning of the Body in Blood Donation Decisions. Journal of Religion and Health, 54(4), 1286-1301. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10943-014-9879-2

11. Hornik, A., & Diesendruck, G. (2017). Extending the self via experiences: Undermining aspects of one's sense of self impacts the desire for unique experiences. Social Cognition, 35(2), 181-203. Retrieved from: https://scholar.google.ru/scholar?hl=ru&as_sdt=0%2C5&q=Extending+the+self+via+experiences%3A+Undermining+aspects++of+one%27s+sense+of+self+impacts+the+desire+for+unique+experiences&btnG=

12. Kent, J., Fannin, M., & Dowling, S. (2019). Gender dynamics in the donation field: human tissue donation for research, therapy and feeding. Sociology of Health & Illness, 41(3), 567 584. https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9566.12803

13. Kent, J., & Farrell, A.-M. (2014). Risky Bodies in the Plasma Bioeconomy: A Feminist Analysis. Body & Society, 21(1), 29-57. https://doi.org/10.1177/1357034X13520331


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