The quincunx: its origins and development in the art of Western Europe in the second half of the 8th – the beginning of the 11th centuries

A large group of inlaid brooches that were circulating in the Anglo-Saxon and Merovingian realms in the 5th-7th centuries AD Perin P. Aspects of Late Merovingian Costume in the Morgan Collection // From Attila to Charlemagne. Arts of the Early Medieval Period in the Metropolitan Museum of Art. Ed. by K.R. Brown et alii. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2000. P. 244-248. presents another illustration of a similar concept. The gold composite disc brooch of the early 7th century from Kent displays an ornamental cross created by four garnets in a rhombus shape, and a quincunx formed by four bosses in red and blue (fig.21) The Making of England. P. 50. No.32a. . The form of a cross which perpetuates dozens of the similar brooches always has this quincunx addition, and the latter is definitely not an autonomous configuration given the Christian context of these treasures. Perhaps an ornamental rhythm of a circle implied the supplementary adornment in order to create a perfect centered structure. But the proximity of the quincunx to the cross pattern doesn't always appear in the Christian context exclusively: in the Anglo-Saxon realm, there are some non-Christian predecessors of this jewelry. Already in the 5th century AD, before Christianization of the 7th century, the region was filled with the garnet brooches which frequently comprised a pattern of five elements (fig.22). They were common grave furniture, probably had magical pagan powers Caviness M. Op. cit. P. 103. , and looked remarkably similar to the later ones. The 7th-century examples were presumably an adaption to the existed 5th-century tradition. In the case of the 5th-century brooches, the design might be interpreted both as the cross and the quincunx. Dissociated from the purely Christian framework, it is impossible to say with confidence which pattern was implied. That said, Merovingian jewelry of the 5th and 6th centuries, which are incredibly close to Anglo-Saxon ones in their appearance, represent, according to Birgit Arrhenius, a mixture of eastern and Germanic elements, and some of them came directly from Byzantine Arrhenius B. Garnet Jewelry of the Fifth and Sixth Centuries // From Attila to Charlemagne. Arts of the Early Medieval Period in the Metropolitan Museum of Art. Ed. by K.R. Brown et alii. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2000. P. 214-215.. Therefore, although in the Anglo-Saxon context they might have been interpreted without Christian connotations, their form and decoration allegedly had Christian origins.

And finally, the cross and quincunx contiguity is unmistakably tangible in some of the early medieval manuscript illuminations, particularly in the Anglo-Saxon background. In the Lindisfarne Gospels, the quincunx on folio 94v is integral to the form of a cross (fig.23). A single person named Aldred was responsible for the creation of all the miniatures within the manuscripts, and they all were executed as a unit Swenson I.C. The Symmetry Potentials of the Ornamental Pages of the Lindisfarne Gospels // Gesta. Vol.17. No.1. 1978. P. 9. , thus, the cross on folio 138v There are two consequent articles devoted to this page alone: Stevick R.D. The Design of Lindisfarne Gospels Folio 138v // Gesta. Vol. 22. No.1.1983. P. 3-12; Guilmain J. On the Layout and Ornamentation of the Cross-Carpet Page of the Lindisfarne Gospels, Folio 138v // Gesta. Vol.24. No.1. 1985. P. 13-18. (fig.24) and the quincunx on folio 94v are part of a uniform program. Here, by `program' we mean corresponding symmetry potentials, the same patterns of compositional construction. A recent article, analyzing the ornaments in the Pompeian frescoes in a context of Pliny's work, suggests to regarding an ornament as both `cosmic and cosmetic force' Platt V. Of sponges and stones: Matter and ornament in Roman painting // Ornament and Figure in Graeco-Roman Art / Ed. by N. Dietrich and M. Squire. Berlin; Boston: Walter de Gruyter, 2018. P. 271. . In a way, the Lindisfarne Gospels' decorations are functioning according to this principle: they are generated through ornamental dynamics which has its own regularities and which produces new forms and meanings by multiplying the same modules in a certain rhythm. This `force', or rather a mastery hand of a talented illuminator, produced five full-page miniatures representing five crosses, including the one on folio 94v. Constructing a cross, Aldred `by an accident' created the quincunx pattern, which probably more than all the previous examples attests to the propinquity of these forms.

The representational, symbolic aspect of a cross leads to an inevitable suggestion that, since the quincunx so often accompanies this important Christian emblem, its wider dissemination from the 4th century AD onward might be directly related to the new status of Christianity. This hypothesis should be tested in more depth in the consequent research which extends beyond the objectives of this paper.

In sum, what is the quincunx paradigm as it emerged in the Roman pagan tradition and then was transferred to the early Christian and medieval contexts? The quincunx appeared in two disguises - as a pattern and as a composition for the reception of figurative imagery. The latter probably was formed within the medium of centered compositions of vaults and ceilings and then moved to other types of decorations. Overall, the quincunx epitomizes a structuring strategy in which the hierarchical relations between the center and periphery are constructed within five given elements, where the central one dominates four lateral components. Thus, the principal function of the quincunx scheme is to establish hierarchical relations of five designated units. There are two external factors that may facilitate and stimulate the quincunx' occurrence - regardless of its subject-matter whether it be abstract or representational - which can be deduced from the range of artworks we analyzed above. The first is the combination of a circle and a square: the square's empty angles demand four additional elements to balance the central roundel. The second is a presence of a cross. The latter may serve as a reason for a broader dissemination of the quincunx scheme in the Christian tradition, and also indicates that it is impossible to separate the form, in this case composition, from its subject and context.

Chapter 2. Origins of the Quincunx in Christian Art

In the previous chapter, we analyzed the qualities of the quincunx as a pattern and witnessed its first steps as a composition in the pagan context. Here, we will be interested in how the quincunx scheme was implemented into the Christian iconography, how the meaning of the composition changed in the new context and whether or not the scheme itself somehow transforms the visual message of religious subjects. Firstly, we will discuss the process of gradual appropriation of the quincunx for the new themes and also the framework in which this development occurred. Secondly, we will look at the most important subjects that were framed by the quincunx composition and analyze which of them remained the phenomena of the early Christian period, and which history continued way through the early medieval times into the turn of the Romanesque epoch. Our primary concern will be focused on the iconography of Maiestas Domini, since it is the most illustrative example of how the five roundel scheme was changing during the Carolingian and Ottonian Renaissances. Here, we are asking three major questions. Why did this particular subject turn out to be the most suitable for the quincunx scheme? What kind of transformations occurred within the paradigm of this iconography when it was shaped by the quincunx? And why it happened in this exact period of time?

2.1 The first examples of the quincunx scheme in Christian art

The first examples of the quincunx scheme entered Christian iconography relatively early and leaved traces in four major media: floor mosaics, metalwork, Catacomb frescoes, and textile.

In the mosaic pavements, the quincunx composition overall gained a considerable amount of popularity starting from the 4th century AD. Pagan context gives us some examples such as the 4th-century mosaic from Sicily with an erotic scene in the middle and four personifications in the lateral medallions, as we have seen in the first chapter (fig.17) Muth S. Aus der Perspektive der rцmischen Bodenmosaiken: Ornamentalisierte Figuren oder figuralisierte Ornamente? On this mosaic, see: Ornament and Figure in Graeco-Roman Art / Ed. by N. Dietrich and M. Squire. Berlin; Boston: Walter de Gruyter, 2018. P. 403.. In the exact same period, a similar composition which bears an alternative message emerged in English Dorset, decorating an antique villa floor at Hinton St Mary (fig.25) Brilliant R. Scenic Representations // The Age of Spirituality / Ed. by K. Weitzmann. Princeton: Princeton University Press,1979. P. 129, fig.18. . But there, instead of two lovers, the male bust in the iconography of Christ-Helios was placed in the central roundel. Four quarter-medallions in the corners represent personifications. In accordance with what is known about the subjects of late Roman pavements, the personifications most likely portray winds or seasons. Hence, in the same period, a similar composition in the corresponding context (since the Dorset mosaics also belong to the villa decoration, not a church) was implemented for two quite disparate subjects. As a consequence, the composition started to change. While the Sicilian mosaic comprises medallions of almost equivalent sizes, the English example hierarchically accentuates the center by significantly enlarging the middle roundel. Undoubtedly, the Roman compositions also had a sense of hierarchy when it comes to representation of god in the central medallion, as the 4th-century example from the Bonn museum with Helios in the middle shows (fig.26). And this is exactly what is so convenient about the quincunx scheme, namely its flexibility: by changing the size of medallions in relation to each other, or their shape, or the distance between them, a craftsman alters the nature of the liaisons within the composition. This is something we need to bear in mind when approaching the later quincunx schemes in religious iconography.

The metalwork demonstrates a similar interplay between the subjects and the forms of quincunxes. The mentioned previously 2nd-3rd centuries lead sarcophagus (fig.8) which has two quincunx compositions with the Cupid in the middle and four female busts, probably the portraits of a deceased woman, or unidentified personifications. The central medallion is surely emphasized by its position as well as a larger size, yet the doubling of the quincunxes and the full repetition of the subject give a sense of ornamental qualities rather than a strong hierarchical configuration. The composition of the 4th-century casket from Hungary, on the other hand, with the Orpheus figure in the middle (fig.27), has a much more convincing hierarchical structure since the central medallion is so prevalent in relation to the lateral ones. It was made when Christianity already had almost two hundred years of presence in Roman Pannonia Gaspar D. Christianity in Pannonia // Religions and Cults in Pannonia: Exhibition at Szйkesfehйrvбr, Csуk Istvбn Gallery 15 May - 30 September 1996. Szйkesfehйrvбr: Fegйr Megyei Muzeumok Igazga Tуsбga, 1998. P. 43-49. , but the work still exhibits both the pagan and Christian motifs and their peculiar diffusion. The plaque with Orpheus is accompanied by a variety of pagan gods and mythological scenes, but Orpheus himself apparently represents Christ since he is surrounded by personifications of the Sun and Moon, an eagle, and a Chi-Rho monogram. Regrettably, the whole program of the casket is impossible to reconstruct due to its fragmentary condition, but the casket's small plaque as well as the Dorset mosaic show at least two tendencies in the Christian understanding of the quincunx structure: the first is the mentioned above reinforced sense of hierarchization, and the second is a very particular subject that is selected for the scheme's nucleus, namely the figure of Christ or his metaphorical representations.

Interestingly, the antique quincunxes are characterized by four identical subjects in the filling of lateral medallions: it is true for this sarcophagus, for Piazza Armerina pavement, and also for the 9th-century diagram from manuscript of the Ptolemy's Manual Tables (fig.83) On this manuscript, see: Spatharakis I. Some Observations on the Ptolemy MS Vat.gr.1291: Its Date and the Two Initial Miniatures // Bizantinische Zeitschrift. Vol.71. 1978. P. 41-49., that manifestly was copied from the Roman source, potentially a mosaic pavement, where all four flanking medallions depict the same couple of Night and Day personifications. On the contrary, the Christian quincunx compositions, at least the later ones, tend to choose individual subjects for each roundel. It might mean that in the antique quincunxes the side medallions were treated more in the ornamental sense, whereas the subsequent Christian arrangements tended to construct more complex relations between the parts of quincunx compositions.

The 4th-century Orpheus casket was created in the same age when Roman painters decorated the vaults of Catacombs with the similar subjects. There, as we briefly saw in the first chapter, the quincunx scheme appeared as one of the numerous ways to structure the vaults. Meanwhile, we didn't mention anything about their themes, leaving intentionally the analysis of the quincunxes' content for this part of the work. And there is, indeed, a curious consistency in how the quincunx scheme was used in Catacombs. In the majority of examples of the quincunx and other compositions that are close to the quincunx structure we were able to find, the one subject is repeated from vault to vault, namely the Good Shepherd (fig.15-16, 28-30) The quincunx patterns occur primarily in two monuments - Catacombs of Domitilla and Catacombs of Marcellinus and Peter. On their frescoes, see: Jensen R.M. Living Water: Images, Symbols, and Settings of Early Christian Baptism. Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2011. P. 16-25. There are also few instances of this type of composition in the Catacombs of Calixtus, see: Corbey Finney P. The Invisible God. The Earliest Christians on Art. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994. P. 160-191.. There are two exceptions. One of them constitutes a ceiling in the Catacombs of Marcellinus and Peter: instead of being presented in the iconography of the Good Shepherd, Christ is depicted amongst his disciples (fig.31). The second is in the Catacombs of Domitilla where an unidentified male figure is placed in the center (fig.32). Nevertheless, the evidence insists that in this early period, the figure of Christ is preferably selected for such a centered composition as the quincunx. As we shall discover later, this remains a constant factor for the many following centuries. That said, other variations of the Catacomb vault compositions show much less consistency in terms of the chosen subjects - even putti or bucolic scenes might occupy a central stage. Whether or not the regularity of the themes within the quincunx frame is a result of a mere coincidence or an indication of a pattern is hard to tell at this stage of our research. However, one observation needs to be made, notably that the quincunx composition appears predominantly in the slightly domed Catacomb chambers, whereas the straight-line based centered compositions occur on the flat ceilings (fig.33). The domed ones were usually selected for the places of honor. Hence, there is probably nothing surprising about the emergence of Christ's figure in such focal points of iconographic representations.

The structures of the quincunxes in catacomb decorations vary from a pure simplicity to a refined elaboration. Although Christ is often the center, the accompaniment differs. Three vaults in the Catacombs of Marcellinus and Peter demonstrate the compositional as well as the thematic variations. The simplest scheme (fig.31) shows a teaching Christ at the center surrounded by four male figures in the corners, two of them are orants, and other two are candidates for being prophets' and Good Shepherd's representations at the same time since they hold both the sheep and scrolls. The additional, and bigger, four adjacent compartments are occupied by the scenes associated with Christ's birth and childhood: Annunciation, Baptism, Magi beholding Star, and Adoration of the Magi. These scenes constitute the cross composition around the central compartment and evidently ranked higher in the hierarchy of the whole structure than the lateral medallions. In another cubiculum, Christ is encircled by eight auxiliary scenes and figures, four from the Old Testament, and four from the New: Job, Moses smiting the Rock, Daniel among lions, Noah's Ark, Baptism, Miracle of raising Lazarus, Miracle of healing Paralytic, and Miracle of Loaves (fig.16). All the subjects are located inside the circuit unifying them, supplemented by four medallions with ornamental heads. The last example is the most complex composition of the three: the first ring of images that surround the Good Shepherd in the middle comprises birds and bowls with flowers, and the second includes narrative scenes: Noah's Ark, Sacrifice of Isaac, Daniel in the Lions' Den, and Baptism (fig.15).

What all three compositions show us is that the quincunx scheme at this point is still quite close to the antique understanding of the structure. The use of lateral roundels is essentially ornamental, similar to the composition on the 2nd-3rd century lead sarcophagus (fig.8). Also, the quincunxes in catacombs are not entirely independent but frequently included in the more elaborate configurations. In each of the three examined schemes, there are three levels of hierarchy: Christ, in the middle, is the first one, the narrative subjects are the second, and additional figures or ornaments are the third. And the quincunx pattern is basically created by this last set of motifs, that is, this composition is used for the ornamental framing of the main subject. Furthermore, the quincunx scheme seems too simple for the intricate and extensive programs of catacomb paintings, and rarely might be interpreted here as an independent arrangement, but only as a part of a bigger picture.

Since our analysis allows us to consider various themes within one composition, and since at this stage we are already bearing in mind the scientific notions of the quincunx diagram, it is impossible to ignore the puzzling similitude between one of the catacomb vault decorations and a distant but visually akin cosmological diagram. The vault in the Catacombs of Marcellinus and Peter depicts the Good Shepherd in the middle, surrounded by four scenes from Jonah's story and four orants (fig.28). In the corners, however, there are four heads - apparently, personifications of seasons: Winter, Spring, Summer, and Autumn. In the late 12th-century English manuscript with the treatises of Isidore, Bede, and Abbo of Fleury On this manuscript, see: Bober H. An Illustrated Medieval School-Book of Bede's "De Natura Rerum" // The Journal of the Walters Art Gallery. Vol. 19/20. 1956/1957. P. 64-97; Cleaver L. On the Nature of Things: the Content and Purpose of Walters W.73 and Decorated Treatises on Natural Philosophy in the Twelfth Century // The Journal of the Walters Art Gallery. Vol. 68/69. 2010/2011. P. 21-30; Eastwood B., Grasshoff G. Planetary Diagrams for Roman Astronomy in Medieval Europe ca. 800-1500. Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 2004. P. 11. , an accompanying the Isidore's text diagram of the harmony of the year and seasons appears to be a twin of the 4th century catacomb painting in terms of a structure (fig.34). Both compositions are formed by a cross inside a circle with a medallion in the middle and four additional compartments between the arms of the cross. Apart from the formal similitude, there is also a substantive commonality. In both cases, a motif of the four changing seasons appears, and while in the diagram, Annus is the overarching center of the year, in the catacomb fresco, the nucleus is Christ. Bianca Kьhnel, in her analysis of scientific diagrams, incessantly mentions the concept of harmony as their inherent property and purpose Kьhnel B. Op. P. 161; and also Chapter 3, p. 116-160. . Indeed, by placing the four cardinal directions, the four qualities of the year, and the four seasons inside one circle with Annus as its hub, the 12th-century diagram exhibits the harmony and unity of time and space. The composition of the catacomb vault demonstrates similar qualities. The central medallion as the perfect metaphor for the concept of harmony was already discussed in Lawrence Nees' analysis of the iconography of Maiestas Domini Nees L. The Gundohinus Gospels. Cambridge, Mass.: Medieval Academy of America, 1987. P.162. Also, for the concept of harmony, see: Underwood P. The Fountain of Life in Manuscripts of the Gosples // Dumbarton Oaks Papers. Vol.5. 1950. P. 43-138. . The time which is harmonized in catacomb frescoes is not the abstract one but the specific time of the Old and New Testaments, and the figure of Christ appears here as the center, reason and purpose, the beginning and the end of annual spinning.

Of course, it is too daring to imply any sort of immediate connection between the 4th-century catacomb painting and the scientific diagram in the 12th-century manuscript. There were too many steps in between. We are suggesting that their cryptic resemblance might be explained quite simply. The range of catacomb compositions on the whole repeats the assortment of vaults of Roman imperial edifices, but in a highly geometrical and simplified manner. According to P. Corby Finney, the vault compositions with a roundel at its center surrounded by one or more concentric circles and additional medallions goes back to the 1st century BC and the precedent of Domus Aurea Corby Finney P. Op. cit. P. 175. discussed in the 1st chapter. Their popularity reached a peak during the 3rd century AD. Roman vaults, as well as Roman mosaic pavements, show a certain propensity to the depiction of gods, like Helios or Jupiter, surrounded by twelve months, seasons, or winds, which arguably also resemble the ancient scientific representations. At least, the resemblance between the compositions of preserved mosaic pavements with zodiac motifs, and the presumable arrangements of reconstructed ceilings with the same theme, is rather convincing. As was analyzed in the Karl Lehmann's classic study, these ceilings ostensibly had celestial symbolism and cosmological associations Lehmann K. Op. cit. P. 1-27.. Some of the diagrams of later manuscripts, in turn, repeat all the same zodiac motifs in the analogous compositions (fig.35) For instance, the 9^th century manuscript in Vatican with Helios and twelve zodiac signs: Rome, Bibliotheca Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Vat.gr.1291, f.47r.. These illuminations are implicit evidence of the uniform tradition of some of the ancient and Carolingian scientific representations. Supposedly, certain Carolingian diagrams are based on the iconography of Roman monumental decorations Cohen S. Transformations of Time and Temporality in Medieval and Renaissance Art. Leiden; Boston: Brill, 2014. P.54. . Thus, the commonality of Catacomb compositions and diagrams is potentially the result of the frescoes being a part of the tradition of Roman monumental decorations rather than due to any direct connection with the scientific notions. Yet we also think that the question requires further inquiry.

In the 5th-6th centuries, we witness the transformation from the more complicated Catacomb compositions to the clear and simple schemes of monumental decoration represented by such cases as St Giovanni in Fonte baptistery in Naples, and Galla Placidia mausoleum (fig.36-37). These are not the quincunxes in their purest form since in the Galla Placidia vault, for example, there are no medallions, and in the Naples baptistery, the flanking images are incorporated not in the roundels but in arches or half-medallions. However, these cases are relevant. It is so, firstly, because they indicate a final step in the early Christian evolution of the quincunx in monumental compositions. The scheme was converted from being one of the many variations of the mosaic pavement arrangements, and from being just a component of more complex vault painting structures in catacombs, to an independent and very prominent composition of the vaults and domes of centered edifices. Secondly, these two examples are important because, due to their subject, they indicate the beginning of another process. In both instances, the center is occupied by the symbolic representation of Christ, namely the cross, flanked by four symbols of evangelists. All the major later development of the quincunx scheme will primarily occur within the framework of this very subject. And thirdly, these are examples of the new hierarchical relations between the central and periphery in the quincunx scheme. Here, instead of being an element of much less significance in contrast to the core of the structure, the side components are crucial to the meaning of the whole composition. The hierarchy is certainly present but its nature is much more subtle and complex.

The last media in which the shift from pagan to Christian content of the quincunx composition might be seen relatively clearly is the textile, specifically Coptic precedents. The most interesting feature of the process in this media is that the change occurs exclusively in the central roundel while the four lateral ones don't indicate any substantive modifications. We have already seen the ornamental quincunxes in Coptic textiles, and in approximately the same period, namely the 4th-6th centuries, the figurative imagery occurs in the same composition. The most common motifs are the centaur, or a horseman, or a scene with a warrior, at the center of the quincunx with four additional male figures, often nude, or animalistic and even pure ornamental designs (fig.38). Starting from the 5th century, the Christian subjects penetrated the central roundel, nonetheless leaving the flanking ones without any change. A textile fragment with a cross surrounded by ducks is a good example (fig.39). Another instance is a figure of an anonymous saint in the middle, framed by four female nudes (fig.40) Truth be told, there is uncertainty about the identification of this figure. It might be a female personification as well. . These works explicitly show the principle of utilization of the quincunx scheme that was inherited from Antiquity, namely the hierarchy made by the ornamentalization of the side compartments, and by their general irrelevance in comparison with the subject at the center. And what is really instructive in the Coptic examples is how such a centered scheme as the quincunx might still be interpreted in non-hierarchical terms. In the 6th century textile fragment, numerous putti are almost evenly scattered throughout the quincunx (fig.41). They vary in size but not too distinctively. It proves again that the more complex relations of hierarchy are inherent much more consistently for the Christian paradigm than for the pagan one, which we shall specifically see in the mature cases of the later period.

A peculiar indirect evidence of the existence of a presumably wide spread quincunx composition in Early Christian art might be found in one of the scenes with Christ in Majesty. On the 6th-century ivory diptych from Constantinople, now in Berlin The Age of Spirituality / Ed. by K. Weitzmann. Princeton: Princeton University Press,1979. P. 528-530. No.474., the cover of a book that Christ holds in his hands has the quincunx ornament (fig.42) which apparently repeats a common compositional pattern of the Bible decoration of the time. Whether the medallions of the prototype of such a book cover were filled with figurative imagery or not is unclear. The possibility is quite plausible, though, especially, if we will compare it with the existing 5th-century ivory example from the Milan treasury (fig.43). One of the sashes of the book cover constitutes the quincunx filled with the Lamb of God in the middle roundel, the symbols of evangelists Matthew and Luke in the upper medallions, and the busts of the same evangelists in the lower medallions. The simple quincunx composition complemented by the scenes of Christ's life, from Annunciation to the Entry into Jerusalem, in the remaining compartments of the book decoration. However, the quincunx is clearly accentuated, and allocates the symbolic representations, separating them from the narrative ones. And, more importantly, it provides the testimony for the existence of the quincunx composition in the book cover media as early as the 5th century AD. Another close but not identical parallel is the book cover that holds bishop in the mosaics of St Gennaro in Naples (fig.44) where the cross is surrounded by four symbols of evangelists On the book cover composition in this mosaic, see: Nees L. A Fifth-Century Book Cover and the Origin of the Four Evangelist Symbols Page in the Book of Durrow // Gesta. Vol.17. No.1. 1978. P. 3-8. , creating an arrangement that is somewhat proximate to the quincunx.

The much more distant manifestation for hypothesis that the medallions of the 6th-century ivory plaque with Christ may be an allusion to an actual book cover, and perhaps even to the composition with religious iconography, and not just a pattern, comes from the 11th-century Byzantine context. Starting from the 10th century, Christ is actively represented on Byzantine coins (fig.45-46) The first representation of Christ on the Byzantine coins occurred in the reign of Justinian II, at the end of the 7^th century. However, these early examples are much more scarce evidence that cannot reflect the common pattern of relationship between the images on the coins and the designs of real objects. See: Grierson P. Catalogue of the Byzantine Coins in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection. Washington DC: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 1968.Vol.2. Part 2. P. 568-610.. He often holds a book the pattern on which is likely the reflection of the real book cover compositions of the time. The book cover composition that Christ holds, notably the arrangement with the rectangular center and a frame adorned by pellets, almost literally repeats the instances of real Byzantine book covers of the 11th century, such as one in Metropolitan museum with rectangular ivory plaque in the middle with Crucifixion and a frame incrusted with massive round jewels (fig.47). Although this is a very remote and oblique testimony, it still demonstrates the small but existent possibility that the book cover on the 6th-century plaque also might be a reflection of an actual, and maybe even pervasive, book cover decoration.

In this part of our paper, we witnessed the process of gradual appropriation of the quincunx scheme by the new paradigm and a slow but steady transformation of the hierarchical relations within this composition. In some of the media such as textiles, the process occurred much slower than in the more relevant to Christian context media such as the paintings of Christian catacombs or baptisteries.

In Antiquity, the quincunx pattern was one of the numerous structuring strategies for the rectangular frame with an accentuated center. The most common method to establish the hierarchy between the central roundel and the flanking ones was to give all the prominent attention to the former and treat the latter as an ornament or something that is close to it in its message. Another frequent strategy was quite the opposite, notably to regard the central and flanking medallions as almost equal. In the early Christian period, the quincunx became much more ubiquitous and common. As we have seen in the first chapter, in terms of ornamental decorations, it was due to the quincunx's connection to the cross. In terms of figurative imagery, we suggest that the general need for centered compositions also gave way for the dissemination of the quincunx scheme. The Christian quincunxes started to change the nature of the hierarchy between the elements of composition and provided much more potency to the lateral components. The liaisons within the quincunx structure grew to be equally more unified and complex. And finally, in the Christian context, the quincunx evolved into an unambiguous association with the figure of Christ. While in Antiquity the central medallion could be occupied by a lover scene, a Cupid, a personification, a centaur, or any god, in Christian paradigm, the middle roundel was reserved primarily for the centrality of the God. Furthermore, in its later development, the quincunx will be almost exclusively limited to one particular iconography of Christ, which deserves an independent segment of this paper.

2.2 The case of the 8th century Maiestas Domini

Albeit the quincunx scheme entered the Christian context no later than the 4th century and was encapsulated in a range of subjects that were all gathered around the figure of Christ, the quincunx's `triumph' ensued only in the 8th and following centuries. It was primarily due to its implementation in the iconography of Maiestas Domini, i.e. Christ in Majesty surrounded by four evangelists, in the middle of the 8th century. Owing to the prominence of this image, the quincunx scheme successfully entered Carolingian and Ottonian art, and consequently was applied to the range of quite divergent subjects. In this part of our paper, we will look at the transition of Maiestas Domini from its earliest examples and predecessors to the 8th-century image in the Gundohinus Gospels. We will evaluate whether or not the structural transformation influenced the message of this iconography, and whether the nature of the quincunx composition, on its part, changed compared to the previous tradition. The most important question, though, is how this transformation should be considered in the context of the art of the 8th century. Did such structural changes occur in other Christian images as well, or was Maiestas Domini the only instance? If the latter is the case, then how is the unique position of Maiestas Domini explained? There are at least two ways to look at this question, internal and external, which leads to two different methods of finding the answer. We can take the substance and meaning of this iconography as the main potential reason for its structural change. Our method, in this case, will be to compare it to the other subjects in order to identify its exclusive characteristics and try to connect these qualities to its formal modification. The external way presumes the contextual reasons, both formal and historical. Here, the method will be to search through the previous and the nearest tradition in order to recognize the incentives that might be a catalyst for the new type of Maiestas Domini. We will test both approaches in respective order.

The Maiestas Domini composition initially wasn't framed by five medallions, although its elements were already arranged in a centered, checkered way. The debut of Maiestas in the form of the quincunx occurred circa 754 AD in the Gundohinus Gospels (fig.48). There are two groups of its antecedents. In the first one, Christ is depicted symbolically, as a cross or Lamb, so in the latter case it is not Maiestas Domini but Maiestas Agni. We already mentioned three 5th-century monuments, namely the mosaics of the baptistery in Naples, of Galla Placidia mausoleum, as well as the 5th-century Milan diptych. The fourth precedent is the stone plaque from Baptistery of Calixtus in Cividale (fig.49) which dates approximately to the second quarter of the 8th century, very closely to the Gundohinus Gospels. The Milan diptych and the stone barrier from Cividale share with the miniature from this manuscript the occurrence of medallions, but none of them exudes the sense of order and simplicity provided by the quincunx scheme: the ivory plaque is also occupied by narrative sequence, and Cividale relief is lacking the central roundel.

The second group, to which belong the examples where the central position is inhabited by Christ in Majesty, may offer closer compositional parallels. The nearest one is the illumination in the 6th-century manuscript from Italy, now in the library of St Paul im Lavanttal (fig.50). Here, the full perfect quincunx scheme incorporates Christ in Majesty flanked by Peter and Paul in the central medallion. Unfortunately, the lateral roundels are wiped out to the point of being indistinguishable. Nevertheless, due to the specific ratio between the central and side compartments, it is quite unlikely that they represented the four evangelists. The lateral roundels are too small and imply the paradigm of the quincunx scheme with a strongly accentuated center and ornamental framing, as has been seen in numerous earlier cases. The closest parallel to the Gundohinus Gospels is universally considered to be Maiestas Domini in the Codex Amiatinus (fig.51) The latest article where the question of connections between the Codex Amiatinus and the Gundohinus Gospels is touched upon is: Darby P. The Codex Amiatinus Maiestas Domini and the Gospel Prefaces of Jerome // Speculum. Vol.92. No.2. 2017. P. 343-371.. It was created on the border between Italian and Insular cultures For the sources of the Codex Amiatinus' miniatures, see: Doan J.E. Mediterranean Influences on Insular Manuscript Illumination // Proceedings of the Harvard Celtic Colloquium. Vol.2. 1982. P. 31-38., just like the Gundohinus Gospels belongs simultaneously to Northern Italian and Merovingian traditions. Codex Amiatinus is lacking the lateral roundels, but the composition in the central medallion with two angels accompanying Christ's figure echoes the layout of the Gundohinus illumination. In this regard, the 6th-century relief on the Merovingian sarcophagus of Agilbert (fig.52) seems much less relevant to the quincunx composition due to its more unstructured appearance. In a way, it is close to the arrangement in the Codex Amiatinus, with a massive mandorla-medallion and four evangelists without any framing. Strictly speaking, the only difference is the use of the mandorla instead of the medallion However, this difference is quite important. According to H. Kessler, this type was based on the Eastern sources. See: Kessler H. Op. cit. P. 39. Indeed, a similar composition might be found in the 6^th century Majesty in El Bawit, Egypt (fig.53). .

Arranged chronologically, these examples draw a fascinating picture of compositional changes that experienced the iconography of Maiestas Domini and its relatives. The alterations are not linear, and manifest the continuing occurrences of the quincunx scheme in its Late Antique variation, as with the manuscript from St Paul im Lavanttal. Be that as it may, the 8th-century example differs from the previous ones. Before, we witnessed either the complete absence of medallions, like in the Galla Placidia mausoleum, or unequivocal dominance of the central one, as with basically all other instances. By contrast, in the Gundohinus Gospels, a new sort of hierarchy was established - subordination of significant parts, and their unity.

In the context of the 8th-century art, Maiestas Domini takes quite a unique position. The structural changes it underwent from the 5th to 8th centuries, and also the fact that the five medallion composition didn't remain the 8th-century phenomenon but continued its way to Carolingian art, leave no place for any relevant comparison. Of course, Insular, as well as Merovingian, traditions imprinted their taste for geometry and ornamentalization on almost every image they interpreted, and the 8th-century Maiestas Domini in the Gundohinus Gospels is a part of this process. But most of the subjects experienced stylistic rather then structural transformation. What is so distinctive about Maiestas Domini? And why was the quincunx not only implemented to this iconography but continued as an important subtype? quincunx christian art tradition

Among the main characteristics of the iconography of Maiestas Domini is that it, on the one hand, was inspired by the vision in the 4th and 5th chapters of Book of Apocalypse and by the text of the Ezekiel Rev. 4-5; Ezek. 1:4-6. , and on the other, constitutes a theophany derived from Roman imperial art Grabar A. Christian Iconography: A Study of Its Origins. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1961. P. 43-44; Kessler H. Reviewed work: La vision de Matthieu (Matth. XXIV-XXV). Origines et dйveloppement d'une image de la Seconde Parousie by Yves Christe // The Art Bulletin. Vol.58. No.1. 1976. P. 121-123. . Lawrence Nees even applied to the context of Maiestas Domini Andre Grabar's concise term `image-sign' that was given to the depictions which aren't based solely on the textual descriptions and contrast with the narrative ones Nees L. The Gundohinus Gospels. P. 165; Grabar A. Op. cit. P. 8-11, 58, 88, 96-97. For non-Christian image-signs, see: Ibid. P. 102-103. . Visually, the 8th century Maiestas Domini originated from two main sources: the early representations of Christ in Majesty, which was based on the iconography of Roman emperors, and images of symbols of evangelists grouped around the cross or Lamb, which also bear associations with four living creatures from the Apocalypse. Thus, Maiestas Domini implies both the triumphal and apocalyptic connotations On its apocalyptic connotations, see : Klein P. Introduction: Apocalypse in Medieval Art // The Apocalypse in the Middle Ages / Ed. by R.K. Emmerson, B. McGinn. Ithaca ; London: Cornell University Press, 1992. P. 163-164. Also, on the early history of Christ in Majesty, see Cook W. The Earliest Painted Panels of Catalonia // The Art Bulletin. Vol. 6. No.2. 1923. P. 38-40. . It is not even a scene but a vision, a purely conceptual illustration of two notions synthesized together. What other subjects in the early Christian realm might be compared to Maiestas Domini in such qualities? And how were they represented? Apart from the Catacomb typological cycles, it is not an easy task to find an early Christian, or early medieval, artwork that would represent a conceptual juxtaposition of several ideas in one image in a way that it occurs in Maiestas Domini. One would argue that the way the iconography of Maiestas Domini is constructed differs from other early medieval conceptual representations. For the instructive comparison, we may look at the iconography of the Fountain of Life that was introduced to the manuscript illumination in the 9th century, and which exhaustively was discussed by Paul Underwood Underwood P. Op. cit. P. 43-138. . The image of this Fountain in Carolingian manuscripts, specifically one in the Soissons Gospels (fig.54), is allegedly based on the architecture of Lateran baptistery and interpreted as a baptismal font. However, its position at the beginning of Canon Tables and its dependence on Jerome's Prologue provide grounds for the interpretation of baptismal font as an edifice of Ecclesia, and four streams of water that come from the font as four Paradise rivers Ibid. P. 71-74. . The concept of the Fountain of Life, thus, expressed not only and not quite by means of the image itself but rather through its position in the manuscript, will lose much of its symbolism if devoid of context. The conceptual synthesis of Maiestas Domini reveals itself first and foremost visually. And, more importantly, it is based not on the representation of one recognizable object but on the mutual integration of five different elements. It can be tentatively suggested that the quincunx scheme might be applied specifically to the Maiestas Domini scheme for this exact reason, in order to express the kind of hierarchical unity discussed with regard to catacomb compositions. This iconography, being a result of the synthesis of two alternative images of four beasts, or evangelists, and Christ in Majesty, required a schematic representation to harmonize two in one. Hence, the simplest explanation for the Maiestas Domini structural transformation might, indeed, be found within its own properties, so to speak.

Now, in order to add a contextual element to this answer, one must return to the quincunx scheme in the Gundohinus Gospels. Potentially, the structural changes has nothing to do with the iconography itself, and everything to do with the artwork where they occurred. The manuscript was created, according to its colophon, in the third year of King Pepin, meaning ca. 754, or 757 AD, if to count from Papal anointing, by the scribe Gundohinus in the monastery of Vosevio. The location of the latter is still unidentified Nees L. The Gundohinus Gospels. P. 1-10.. Since the Gundohinus illumination of Maiestas Domini have the exact parallels neither in the previous tradition nor in the second half of the 8th century, Lawrence Nees, the author of the only but thorough and undoubtedly relevant monograph on the Gundohinus Gospels, devoted the whole chapter to the question of the presumable sources for this image Ibid. P. 131-188. . To summarize, he suggests that the whole manuscript was copied by Merovingian artist from the Northern Italian manuscript with the same set of miniatures. Specifically, Nees suggests the art of Ravenna as the most probable context for the creation of such an image. His main argument lies upon the occurrence of the most rare detail in the iconography of the Gundohinus Maiestas, namely Christ's pearled nimbus with pearls both on the rim and on the cross. The only example with the similar nimbus prior to 754 AD is Christ in Majesty in the mosaics of San Vitale in Ravenna (fig.55). Apart from this feature, the images share the same type of young beardless Christ who is surrounded by two angels.

Basically, the method that Nees implements to discover the sources for the Gundohinus miniature consists of three steps: first, he allocates individual features of the image and searches analogies for every single iconographic aspect; second, he analyses this data in regard to the tradition to which certain features belong; and third, concludes on the origins of this image guided by how frequently any given region occurs. We, following the same strategy but using modern databases, came to essentially similar conclusions. Indeed, most of the features are intrinsic for Italian or Northern Italian context. For instance, the symbols of evangelists framed by roundels appear only twice - in the aforementioned Milan diptych and barrier from Cividale, both from Northern Italy. However, we would like to give few additional considerations and reasses some of the verdicts within the framework of our inquiry. They primarily concern the specificities of roundels of the quincunx, namely two details: the form of a central wreath, and the iconography of pearls in the lateral medallions.

Nees argues that the wreath cannot be an attributive basis since its motif appears in the vast range of late antique and early Christian monuments, from sarcophagi to ivory plaques to metalwork. Yet the very precise shape of leaves on the wreath that is seen in the Gundohinus Gospels, three parallel braids in the row, very flat and interpreted more like a scale than the leaves or ears, consistently emerges on sarcophagi of one particular region, namely Aquitaine, France (fig.56). While it shouldn't be viewed as the determining feature of the tradition to which the Gundohinus Gospels belongs, it might help to narrow the search for the mysterious location of the Vosevio monastery.

Another detail to discuss is the motif of pearled borders. While examining the pearled nimbus, Lawrence Nees didn't take into account the fact that there are awfully disparate types of pearled borders. The one that occurs in the Gundohinus Gospels is arguably the rarest of them all. It is substantial because the pearled borders also ensue on the other miniatures in this manuscript, particularly on folio 188r in the nimbus of John the Evangelist (fig.57), but take a completely different form. This latter shape of pearls is incredibly similar to the one that appears on the 8th-century Anglo-Saxon ivory plaque The Making of England. P. 180-183. No.141. (fig.58), especially the large distance between each pearl. The occurrence of different types of pearls in one manuscript indicates that the choice of the pearled border in the iconography of Maiestas Domini was a conscious decision and that the creator had some sort of selection to choose from. Another, and the most common, representation of pearls is a small, elegant, and rather a narrow border of white dots that might be seen in a variety of contexts, including the Ravenna examples accentuated by Nees. It also could be found abundantly in a broader Byzantine and Coptic realm: on the three 7th and 8th centuries icons from Sinai monastery, and on the frescoes from Egypt (fig.59-62). Furthermore, it was fairly well-known in the Insular-Merovingian context since it appears in the nimbus of the Trier Gospels (fig.63) made by two artists - one of Insular origin, and the other one is closer to Merovingian culture Diebold W. Reviewed work: Cultural Interplay in the Eighth Century: The Trier Gospels and the

Making of a Scriptorium at Echternach by Nancy Netzer // The Catholic Historical Review. Vol.82. No.4. 1996. P. 687-689. . By the end of the 8th century, this type of pearled border on a nimbus became a pervasive feature of Carolingian illuminations, a good example of which are miniatures in the Godescal Lectionary and the Lorsch Gospels (fig.64-65).