Postwar heuristic strategies of exclusion and inclusion in moscow architecture

Sobyanin has also encouraged competitions open to foreign architectural firms and public events with international relevance dedicated to urban planning, such as the Moscow Architectural Biennale , the Moscow Urban Forum, and the SSC Conference. Sobyanin's «New Moscow» «When Sergey Sobyanin was appointed in 2010, his administration developed a five-year programme called “Moscow: a city comfortable for life” (Pravitelstvo Moskvy 2014). This programme began in 2013 and entailed a shift in the city's placemaking strategy, rebranding Moscow's profile into a convenient city with a high-quality urban environment» (Budenbender & Zupan, 2017, p. 303). «Following the proposals for the construction of New Moscow in the summer of 2011, the old city's boundaries were drastically extended on 1 July 2012, thereby increasing its territory by 2.39 times. By focusing on Luzhkov's manipulation of the past in space, the strengthening of concentric Moscow, the has been transformed from a chaotic to a comfortable city, from an authoritarian citadel to a space belonging to the people. But in the last two years the current mayor of Moscow has aimed at transforming the New City into the Business City, despite economic sanctions and difficult relations with the West. The new organization of Moscow's urban space has replaced the concentric structure that has characterized the city for over eighty years with a rather eccentric image of the peripheries. In 2017 Sobyanin decided to get rid of the anonymous image of the Moscow suburbs inherited from the Soviet period through a controversial demolition program of more than 4,000 housing estates built between the 1950s and 1960s in various location across the city (Andreev, 2018)¹.

From a conglomerate of monotonous apartment complexes inherited from the Soviet era to upscale downtown condominiums and spectacular compounds at the edge of the city and beyond, including the development of a new “Business City” three miles away from the Red Square (Medvedkov & Medvedkov, 2007, p. 245).

Between May and June 2017 thousands of Muscovites took to the streets to protest against mass demolitions. Sobyanin's plan was subjected to vigorous criticism because of the threat to infringe of right of private property (Evans, 2018). On May the 14t^h protesters gathered around the metro station Chistyye Prudyaspirations to render Moscow a global player, and the latest plans to build New Moscow» (Griffiths, 2014, p. 54). See Правительство Москвы, Постановление, О Программе реновации жилищного фонда в городе Москве, (last accessed 26 December 2019). The Khrushchyovki peak, as it is called in the decree «Programme of Renovation of the housing stock» of August the 1^st 2017, was reached in 1963-1964, when 2.5 million km2 of housing were built (Decree N-497 2017). ЧИстые пруды. (Чистые пруды), on May the 27^th May, Suvorovskaya square Суворовская площадь., and on June the 12^th on the Sakharov Boulevard Проспект Академика Сахарова (Prospekt Akademika Sakharova).. He declared at the 2018 Moscow Urban Forum that: «The development of Moscow is not a threat, but the locomotive of development of the whole country». Sobyanin has dusted off the term «blagoustroistvo» from the past, giving it a mundane meaning, but the critical attitude of citizens towards urban planning policies is an indication that the Russian rigid authoritarian system has cracks that are slowly expanding. Sobyanin's attempt to reconcile an autocratic management of the city based on the parameters and instruments typical of Western democracies with the transparency of political processes and the consent of the people presents risks of social tensions and unrest.



Conclusion

Today Moscow is pervaded by a ferment which is typical of the new financial capitals. Its contemporary urban grandeur is based on high -rise buildings inserted in the pre-existing circular, hierarchical-feudal structure, designed for the Seven Sisters around the Kremlin, which is considered the heart of the city. Today Moscow is a multi-ethnic megalopolis and the habitat of the post-sovky (post-Homo Sovieticus), with its new dizzying skyscrapers, symbols of a social and urban change, that once again consecrates Moscow to an extraordinary urban laboratory. With the transition from State to private ownership and the abolition of propiskas, residential mobility has increased significantly, bringing with it a greater awareness of urban sustainability among citizens. Therefore, the Muscovites strongly demand today buildings that are suitable for the needs of a free market economy, but also liveable places. De facto, however, innovative building construction is concentrated in the Business City, which is integrated into global capital flows. Its skyline is made up of avant-garde offices and luxury hotels, built like a panacea that seems to remain only an ideological construction that is struggling to materialize. And while Moscow tries to develop in a polycentric way, paradoxically the Russian Federation is trapped by centipede forces. Despite its attempt to find its own identity independent of the central government, Moscow exudes power through its modern turreted belt, confusingly superimposing different images, starting from the Nineteenth-century matushka-Moskva to the eclectic pastiche of the Moscow City, made of huge glass towers. This phenomenon confirms once again that an ideological symbolism remains imprinted on Moscow urban landscape. The image of the heroic statues of the past, obscured by the new skyscrapers, confirm a constant utopian dispersion, that overshadows Moscow urban development of the 21st century.



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